Speculation is rife on the outcome of this vote, which will either endorse or reject the new constitution that was drafted while the country is under a military-led government.

A comfortable margin of victory for the new charter is supposed to be as much as 60 per cent. An outcome similar to the recent Brexit vote in the UK, however, would be disastrous for the military.

Regardless, Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha has made it clear that he will not quit even if the new constitution is rejected.

In preparation for the August 7 vote, the Pheu Thai Party and its allies have stepped up their attempts to influence voters to vote against the charter, as has the camp that favours it led bySuthep Thaugsuban and his allies. Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan, a key figure of the former camp, has also entered the fray after staying quiet for a long time.

A former public health minister and close confidant of ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra, Sudarat attempted to play a reconciliatory role, but Pheu Thai’s arch-rival Democrat Party and party leaderAbhisit Vejjajiva declined to join a recently planned meeting with Pheu Thai and other political party leaders.

However, there will be further moves by the Pheu Thai/Thaksin camp in the lead up to next month’s referendum.

In response to the anti-charter camp’s actions, the Prayut government has instructed the Interior Ministry to set up operation centres at provincial and district levels nationwide to ensure that the referendum will not be disrupted.

Peace TV, a satellite channel linked to the red shirts, which are allies of the Pheu Thai/Thaksin camp, has also been ordered to suspend satellite broadcasting for one month starting on Sunday.

Other similar measures are probable ahead of the vote, which the military believes it can win but with an uncertain margin of victory.

Unless the margin is substantial, there will be more challenges down the road, opening the way for opponents, especially the Pheu Thai/Thaksin camp, to play their own games to counter the NCPO’s power.

In such a scenario, Suthep and his allies would also return to the scene with familiar confrontational tactics playing out again.

After all, veteran politician Sudarat has just become a resurgent and crucial factor in the Pheu Thai/Thaksin supporters’ latest struggle to stay relevant in politics after their wings were clipped following the 2014 coup.

When Thaksin was prime minister starting in the early 2000s, Sudarat was a leading woman in the Cabinet holding several important portfolios, including at the helm of the Public Health Ministry.

She also played a leading role during Thailand’s fight against the bird flu and Sars outbreaks.

Previously, she managed a significant faction of the now-defunct Thai Rak Thai Party, which preceded Pheu Thai.

Now, Sudarat is reputedly the new choice to lead the country if the Pheu Thai/Thaksin camp has its way again.

She could be the fourth candidate for prime minister fielded by that camp since Thaksin, who was followed by Samak Sundaravej, Somchai Wongsawat and Yingluck Shinawatra.

However, such an idea is still farfetched at this stage.