Srisuwan asked the NACC to ask the Customs Department to provide information on the multi-million-baht watches regarding the payment of customs duties.

“This is a crucial landmark for the NACC,” he said. “It will be their masterpiece if they seriously pursue the case. On the other hand, if they don’t file a lawsuit in the case they will instantly become a public target.”

If the latter is the case, Srisuwan continued, he would collect the signatures of 20,000 people to propose the creation of a committee to probe the NACC under the charter’s Article 236. The number of luxury watches seen worn by Prawit in public on various occasions has now reached 19.

According to the investigative Facebook page, CSI LA, which continuously seeks and circulates photos of Prawit wearing different luxury watches, the Richard Mille, Patek Phillipe, Audemars Pique and Rolex watches were frequently worn by Prawit during the first half of last year. CSI LA estimated that the collection, based on market prices, could be worth around Bt29.6 million.

During that period, two major approvals of military purchases were made by the junta-led Cabinet.

On April 18, they confidentially approved the Navy-requested procurement of one Bt13.5-billion Chinese submarine. Two months later, the Army’s request for procurement of Chinese tanks at a cost of Bt2.3 billion was also passed.

Based on photos it had received, the social media page made an observation that during the early years after the 2014 coup, Prawit was seen repeatedly wearing the same, seemingly old Rolex watches.

CSI LA is known to be keen on monitoring Prawit’s watch collections since the first Richard Mille emerged in public last month. It has also launched a mobile application for the public to help gather records of Prawit wearing watches.

The deputy premier has kept a low profile since the report on the Richard Mille watch went viral. He also postponed an annual New Year meeting with military-beat reporters from next Monday to the month’s end.

Prawit is in hot water as his watch collection has raised questions about his wealth as well as the accuracy of his asset disclosure under the anti-graft law. Prawit has not declared any assets exceeding Bt200,000 in value to the NACC when he entered the junta government in 2014.

The NACC, whose president once served as Prawit’s close aide, agreed to investigate the case but has so far avoided disclosing most of the details to the public.

Rosana Tositrakul, a former senator campaigning on a platform opposing corruption, urged both the NACC and the Customs Department to tightly scrutinise Prawit’s watch collection.

Rosana said the NACC should ask Prawit to submit all of his watches as tracked by the CSI LA page, while the department should probe whether the watch payments included custom duties and whom they actually belonged to, Rosana said.

“People will start doubting the NACC, wondering if it is buying time despite its claims to having zero tolerance for graft,” she said in her Facebook post. “Anti-corruption shouldn’t be a mere discourse.”

Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwan was asked during a media briefing at Government House whether he agreed with leaders of some new political parties being formed to support Prayut as an “outsider prime minister”.

Prawit responded: “I should agree if people do so.” He quickly added: “Only people can give the answer. My opinion is not that important. I alone can’t say General Prayut should be the next PM.”

Gen Prawit Wongsuwan

Among Prayut’s staunch supporters is Paiboon Nititawan, a former member of the junta-appointed National Reform Council who now heads the Popular Reform Network. Paiboon is planning a new political party aimed at backing Prayut to lead the next government as a non-elected PM. Junta figures are prohibited by law from contesting the next election.

Prawit was Prayut’s senior colleague while they served in the Army, where they both rose to the rank of full general. Despite a number of damaging controversies, Prawit has managed to retain his positions in the Prayut-led Cabinet.

Recently, Prayut described himself as politician – an occupation he had previously denounced and blamed for the country’s problems and political conflicts.

Prawit yesterday said the country needed new politicians to serve the people and run the government. When asked if Prayut qualifies as a new politician, Prawit said that would depend on the people.

Earlier, a group of Pheu Thai politicians have declared their “lifelong loyalty” to the party, amid speculation that new, pro-junta political parties are wooing election candidates from established parties.

Prayuth Siripanit

Prayuth Siripanit, head of Pheu Thai’s northeastern section, gave the pledge on behalf of former party MPs from the region when they met caretaker Pheu Thai leader Viroj Pao-in on Wednesday. The ex-MPs met Viroj and other party executives to offer them New Year’s wishes.

During the gathering, Prayuth promised that his group would “stand firmly side by side” with the party leader and other executives.

“Our lives are given to no-one else. Whether the outlook is bright or gloomy, we will still be here. We will be loyal to Pheu Thai throughout our lives. We will die here,” Prayuth said, reading from prepared notes.

In response, Viroj asked the party politicians to prepare for the next general election and not to be affected by the reported attempts to have them defect from the party.

Meanwhile, former prime minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh has thrown his support behind Pheu Thai, claiming that “people want the party to rule the country”.

He was speaking to a group of Pheu Thai politicians led by Prayuth, who met him on Wednesday at his home to offer New Year wishes.

Chavalit joined Pheu Thai in 2009 and left the party two years later. But he has still retained his influence among many party politicians, particularly those from the Northeast.

IF THE Constitutional Court were to rule, in an upcoming decision, that the recent junta order amending the political party law was unconstitutional, it would probably bring about negative consequences for existing parties and Thai politics as a whole, including derailing the November election, political scientists said yesterday.

Trakul Meechai

Trakul Meechai, a senior political science expert at Chulalongkorn University, said that if the court struck down NCPO Order No 53/2560 as unconstitutional, there could be resultant problems and difficulties.

“If the order rules that Article 44 has limits and may not be used to amend the political party law, all the amendments will become invalid and the original conditions and timeframes for political parties will have to be abided by. And political parties will be affected,” Trakul said.

He added, however, that he believed the ruling National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) would try to find ways to lessen the impact and to prevent a political deadlock resulting from such a ruling.

As the NCPO chief, Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha in mid-December issued the order to extend political parties’ administrative deadlines with the stated purpose of facilitating party activities, including updating and registering membership lists, which would otherwise have had to be completed this month. The order was issued under the all-powerful Article 44 of the 2014 provisional charter, a power that has been retained and repeatedly used despite promulgation of the current 2016 Constitution.

The two major parties, Pheu Thai and the Democrats, have decided to separately seek a Constitutional Court ruling as to whether the NCPO order is constitutional. The parties have each cited various reasons on how the order could put them at a disadvantage ahead of the next election.

Chaiyan Chaiyaporn

Chaiyan Chaiyaporn, a political science lecturer at Chulalongkorn University, said yesterday that he believes the political parties’ challenge to the NCPO order would lead to negative political impacts.

He said it could affect the NCPO’s road map promising an election late this year.

The lecturer said that if the court nullifies the NCPO order and the original political party law is retained, there would be “a lot of confusion in Thai politics”. Many political parties would be affected, or even lose their status, as they would be unable to complete certain requirements within the original deadlines, he explained.

Chaiyan said that although powers under Article 44 are guaranteed by the current charter, invoking it needs to be strictly limited for matters of national interest and must not lead to widespread confusion.

Ongart said people pay less attention to political campaigns and speeches partly due to the proliferation of communication channels now available, including social media.

Budget spending for elections, he said, should be used wisely in activities with the greatest benefit for the public, as it is actually part of political reform.

Political spending should be conducted properly to prevent politicians from corrupting it.

The law vetting committee has removed a clause in the MPs election bill that would prohibit political parties from providing entertainment during their campaigns.

Taweesak Suthakavatin, the spokesperson for the NLA-appointed committee responsible for vetting the organic MPs election bill, said the committee had made a few changes to the Constitution Drafting Commission’s draft, including removing the ban on entertainment during elections.

Committee member Seri Suwanpanont said the committee viewed that entertainment could help woo voters to pay more attention to political campaigns and be more aware of politics.

He dismissed concern that this could be open to election fraud, saying that high technology is already in place to help the public keep an eye on any fraud that may arise in regard to the activities.

Abhisit said Yingluck may not need to ask for asylum if she holds a passport of another country. With such a passport, she could ask to enter the country via a business visa, he said.

The Thai government may not be able to intervene in the event that an asylum request is made, Abhisit said, noting the special relationship between an asylum claimant and the government of the country of refuge.

But the Thai government could begin by filing an official request for her return from the UK. If it did not file a request, the UK would never send her back as she had apparently entered the country legally, Abhisit said.

The 74-year-old legislator was suffering from anemia caused by gastrointestinal bleeding after two days of diarrhea, said the NLA vice president Peersak Pochit after visiting Klanarong.

Klanarong has received blood transfusions and is now fully conscious. When sufficiently well, he would probably be transferred to Siriraj hospital to be under the care of his personal doctor, Peerasak added.

Klanarong is a two-time junta-appointed legislator. Prior to his current service at the NLA, he was also appointed as the National Anti-Corruption Commissioner and charter drafter soon after the 2006 coup.

Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai said on Tuesday that his British counterpart, Boris Johnson, has informed him that Yingluck had been in London since September.

He said his ministry would cooperate with Johnson’s ministry now that Yingluck’s whereabouts are known

In October, police cited Dubai authorities in saying Yingluck had left the United Arab Emirates on September 11 and moved to Britain. There were no further significant updates until photos of Yingluck in London and Oxford appeared in the media last week.

Prawit said he had no idea which country’s passports were being used by Yingluck. It is the responsibility of the Foreign Ministry to investigate when there is speculation that she is using the passport issued by neighbouring countries, he said.

Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha on Tuesday admitted that the extradition process was “generally uneasy”. Public prosecutors have yet to request Yingluck’s extradition from any country due to insufficient information, said Amnart Chotchai, director general of the Internal Affairs Department of the Attorney-General’s Office.

Prayuth Siripanit, head of Pheu Thai’s northeastern section, gave the pledge on behalf of former party MPs from the region when they met caretaker Pheu Thai leader Viroj Pao-in on Wednesday. The ex-MPs met Viroj and other party executives to offer them New Year wishes.

During the gathering, Prayuth promised that his group would “stand firmly side by side” with the party leader and other executives.

“Our lives are given to no-one else. Whether the outlook is bright or gloomy, we will still be here. We will be loyal to Pheu Thai throughout our lives. We will die here,” Prayuth said, reading out his prepared poem.

In response, Viroj asked the party politicians to prepare for the next general election and not to be affected by the reported attempts to have them defect from the party.

Meanwhile, former prime minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh has thrown his support behind Pheu Thai, claiming that “people want the party to rule the country”.

He was speaking to a group of Pheu Thai politicians led by Prayuth, who met him on Wednesday at his home to offer New Year wishes.

Chavalit joined Pheu Thai in 2009 and left the party two years later. But he has still retained his influence among many party politicians, particularly those from the Northeast.

Parliamentary medical staff applied first aid to Klanarong, 74, before he was taken to hospital.

PLANS RELATED to the future of the junta’s sweeping Article 44 orders were in place, with each order being classified on a case-by-case basis, including plans to upgrade some into permanent laws and revoking others, Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam said yesterday.

While the ruling junta will eventually step down, the all-powerful Article 44 orders could remain in force – until they are either upgraded or revoked by permanent laws or resolutions, depending on the purposes and effects of each order.

Much criticised for its lack of checks and balances, Article 44’s absolute power granted to the head of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) will expire when the next post-election government is established.

However, existing orders will remain in place pending new laws or Cabinet resolutions issued to upgrade or revoke them.

The Article 44 clause actually stems from the defunct 2014 interim charter, but the junta-written 2017 Constitution allows the NCPO to continue to exercise the power in the post-coup interim, which in practice has resulted in new orders being issued continuously.

The latest order was to controversially amend the political party law.

Most of about 200 orders issued under Article 44 will remain in force until they are countermanded by other laws or resolutions, depending on the nature of the orders, said Wissanu, the NCPO’s legal adviser.

Orders that had legal ramifications would be revoked by legislation, he added, while those with administrative effects, such as reshuffle officials, could be revoked by Cabinet resolutions.

Some orders that had been enacted to “immediately solve problems” could be upgraded into permanent bills or decrees – but only if responsible agencies proceeded according to parliamentary mechanisms, Wissanu said.

Some would need to be revoked by further Article 44 orders, while others could expire on their own, Wissanu said.

“We always think when and how these orders will come to an end,” he added. While it was still unclear when Article 44 powers would expire, it could be possible to legislate a single bill to revoke multiple orders, Wissanu said.

Wissanu spoke after the Cabinet concluded on Tuesday to set guidelines for the issuance of Article 44 orders after three years of seeing abundant requests from state agencies. He reiterated that all orders invoking absolute powers would need to be concluded one way or another.

“They will all be either upgraded or revoked. All offices should keep in mind to not be too dependent on [absolute powers],” he said.