The move came after Srisuwan Janya, secretary-general of the Association for the Protection of the Thai Constitution, petitioned the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), seeking an investigation to determine whether the prime minister had condoned a violation of the anti-graft law that prohibits public officials from accepting any gifts valued at more than Bt3,000.

Prayut reportedly had said he would give a puppy to both Interior Minister Anupong Paochinda and Deputy Prime Minister Chatchai Sarikalya.

The prime minister bought three young dogs belonging to the famous Bangkaew breed for Bt25,000, although the market price was Bt6,000 for each puppy. He said the extra money was meant to encourage the local breeders.

Purebred Thai Bangkaew dogs are known for their loyalty and fierceness as watchdogs.

Prayut on Wednesday was asked to comment on the possibility that his gifts to fellow Cabinet members could constitute a violation of the anti-corruption law. He responded: “I do not have any of the puppies I paid for. Anyone interested may buy them from me.”

Meanwhile, Anupong said he was aware that it was against the law for public office holders to accept gifts worth more than Bt3,000 and he would not accept a Bangkaew puppy from the prime minister because he knew that its price exceeded Bt3,000.

“Also, I do not want more dogs. I have some already at home,” the minister said.

When asked to comment on Srisuwan’s petition with the NACC, the interior minister said the whistle-blower had the right file it.

SEVERAL SOUTHEAST Asian nations will call elections this year to legitimise the consolidation of authoritarian power as the regional and international environment is backsliding in terms of democratisation.

The mandate of the Malaysian government under the leadership of Prime Minister Najib Razak will expire by the middle of the year, but he might call an election before that scheduled in August if he believe he has the upper hand over the opposition.

Cambodia’s strongman Hun Sen and his Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) will “contest” a general election in July in the absence of a strong challenger after the main opposition party, the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), was dissolved in November.

In Thailand, the junta chief and head of the military government General Prayut Chan-o-cha has promised to call an election in November, although he has repeatedly found excuses to delay previously promised polls.

Prayut and Hun Sen have conducted similar games using constitutional and legal re-engineering to bolster their power, said Naresuan University lecturer Paul Chambers.

“Their elections would lead to the enshrinement of authoritarian power,” he added, referring to scenarios in which the authoritarian incumbents would be returned to power.

Ironically, the term “democracy” is indispensable to coup-installed governments. Since it took power almost four years ago, Thailand’s authoritarian regime, directed by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), has thrived upon the promise that it will establish a foundation for genuine democracy and hold truly fair elections.

In the not-so-distant future, the junta’s critics believe it will have to give in to mounting pressure and allow an election. But a ballot does not necessarily mean the realisation of democracy and the departure of the military from politics.

After the election, Thailand will have a weak elected government with a strong military behind the scenes, Chambers said.

“The role of the Thai military would be to make sure the elected government adheres to the 20-year strategy. Otherwise, another coup could occur,” he said, referring to the junta’s strategy that is intended to constrict the behaviour of future governments for two decades.

An election is needed for the Thai military to transform its ruling power into a regime that at least resem?bles a democracy, although pressure from western coun?tries such as the United States and members of the European Union have softened over the past year after President Donald Trump’s victory in the US and Brexit in the United Kingdom.

International sentiment remained one factor deter?mining the junta’s decision regarding holding an election, Ubon Ratchathani University political scientist Titipol Phakdeewanich said.

The EU decision in December to resume political contact with Thailand after Prayut’s promise of an election reflected the importance of such a democratic mechanism, he said.

Any big decisions involving free trade agreements, such as the EU-Thailand Free Trade Agreement, would need to officially be made by an elected government, the political critic said. This made it impossible for the NCPO to indefinitely postpone the election, he said.

Other political scientists, such as Chamnan Chanruang and Stithorn Thananithichot, also agreed that the coup-backed government needed to transform and legitimise itself using the election mechanism because of pressure from within and outside the country.

“We’re not alone in this world. Every eye is on [the NCPO]. Investors, the EU and others are watching,” Chamnan said. “And if we want trade to continue, an election must be held.”

Stithorn added that it would be difficult to remain in the same “hard” form of authoritarianism. Unlike a world superpower such as China, for a coun?try like Thailand, democracy was the key to trust and trade, he said.

“The NCPO will have been around for more than four years [by the time of the promise election]. That should be the farthest it can go because pres?sure is coming from all directions,” Stithorn said. “Only the election can help relieve the tension and also legit?imise [the military’s] way to power.”

File Photo: General Prayut Chan-o-cha

However, Chambers interpreted the global trend differently, arguing that while western countries might continue to talk about democracy and political rights, pressure would in prac?tice be less intense than before.

Soft authoritarian regimes such as Cambodia, and as Thailand’s current junta aspired to be, would be much more comfortable, Chambers said.

Other countries would seek to appease Thailand, which at most would receive a slap on the wrist from most of them, Chambers said.

Meanwhile, the US and EU’s new approach had already provided Cambodia’s Hun Sen with conducive conditions to consolidate his grip on power, allowing him to get rid of opponents in preparing for the July election, a Phnom Penh-based diplomat said, on condition of anonymity.

Hun Sen has taken many actions over the past year to make sure that his position will be secure after the election, although he has already been in the power for more than 30 years.

The CPP’s slim margin of victory in the 2013 poll apparently taught Hun Sen not to underestimate the opposition, the diplomat said.

The strongman has purged his major rival and former CNRP leader Sam Rainsy, who is in self-exile in France, arrested the subsequent CNRP leader Kem Sokha, and then finally backed the dissolution of the CNRP to ensure the removal of any potential strong challenger.

While key members of the CNRP and Sokha’s loyalists have fled the country, remaining politicians, including those allied with former prime minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh’s Funcinpec Party, are too weak to challenge Hun Sen and the CPP, the diplomat said.

Critical media outlets that have challenged Hun Sen’s power had also seen their organisations dissolved and journalists arrested for the same reasons, he said.

File Photo: Hun Sen

With China’s political and financial backing, the regime in Phnom Penh had not had to listen to the so-called democratic voice coming from the US, said the diplomat, although that pressure had altered significantly in the past year. “What Trump has done with the media and his political opponents is no different from Hun Sen’s acts,” he said.

Looking back at Cambodia’s recent political history, which has commonly seen violence, contemporary politics was relatively “civilised” as the strongman referred to laws and regulations rather than just exerted raw power, he said.

“The rule of law has not yet been established in Cambodia, while what has happened in Thailand is no different,” said the veteran Southeast Asia diplomat.

Elected authoritarian and single-party regimes have existed in Southeast Asia for a long time, he said, referring to the People’s Action Party in Singapore and United Malays National Organisation (Umno) in Malaysia, both of which have ruled without interruptions since each country’s independence.

In Malaysia, Najib had consolidated his power within Umno and probably would win the country’s 14th general election, which is referred to domestically as GE14, regardless of when it is called, said Wong Chin Huat, a Penang Institute analyst.

The opposition’s chance of defeating Najib is slim – but not impossible, he said.

“First past the post [election systems] are highly volatile, where last-minute swings may cause upset. Partisan delineation is a double-edged sword – it would allow Najib to win big if the tide is with him, but if the wind changes, he may also lose big,” he said.

The return of heavyweight politician and former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, who is now the chairman of the opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH) alliance, would also be a key factor in GE14, he said.

The four parties grouped under the PH alliance have named Mahathir’s former political opponent, the jailed politician Anwar Ibrahim, as their de-facto leader. Mahathir is chairman of the alliance and Wan Azizah Ismail, Anwar’s wife and president of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, is the current PH president.

Mahathir could deliver a sizeable share of Umno supporters for the opposition to compensate for Islamist votes that would be lost because of the exit of Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS) from the opposition coalition, Wong said.

Mahathir represented a “constant” for the more conservative segment of the electorate which may fear too much change if the opposition comes into power, Wong said. If there is a change, Mahathir would be more acceptable to Malay nationalists in the “deep state”, he added.

Race and religion are always issues in Malaysia’s election, with PAS consistently advocating for governance based on Islamic precepts. Party president Abdul Hadi Awang recently made a statement at Christmas that if his party comes to power, his cabinet would only include Muslims, and non-Muslims would only be allowed in administerial roles, not as decision-makers.

Hadi is clearly attempting to define GE14 as a referendum on Muslim dominance, echoing Umno’s warning that its own exit would mean the marginalisation of the Malay majority.

“If Umno and the ruling Barisan Nasional [BN] coalition survives on an even narrower base than 2013, it will likely whip up communal anxiety to stay afloat,” Wong said. In 2013, the coalition retained power with only 47 per cent of the vote.

“Whether the opposition and Mahathir can deliver a real reconciliation to unite voters is the most important X-factor to watch.”

Chinese voters are also significant in Malaysia’s election, with most forsaking BN member Malaysian Chinese Association to support opposition Democratic Action Party. Umno has recently launched a campaign to bring them back into the fold.

Outsiders might have expected that the scandal involving 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), which implicated Najib in 2015, would have been a big blow, but he has apparently survived. He also received a warm welcome at the Obama White House in September last year while the US Justice Department was investigating the case.

File Photo: Najib

Wong said the 1MDB scandal was only a symptom of Najib’s kleptocracy. After three years, it could hardly do more damage, although China’s bailout of the 1MDB fund had touched upon a raw nerve for many Malays, he added.

Even more hurtful is an embezzlement case involving Felda, a state agency designed to support Malay peasants. Felda programmes, which are active in one-quarter of constituencies, are a traditional vote bank for Umno. If that issue, which involves the “dubious” transfer of land deeds, becomes incendiary ahead of the election, Najib would be in trouble, Wong said.

Political struggles in Southeast Asia are based on realism rather than idealism, according to the Phnom Penh-based diplomatic source. Politicians are struggling for power and will employ any means to survive.

Regimes in the region were focused on their own stability, which, “sad but true”, was at the expense of people’s freedom, he said.

He also stressed that he knew of no one in the Democrat Party wanting the party to join hands with the military to form a government after the election, which the prime minister has scheduled to be held in November.

The 91-year-old veteran politician said he did not think he would have the chance to see the return of democracy in his lifetime.

Given the Constitution and the 250 junta-appointed Senate members, it seems that those in power want to continue their rule, he added.

“There is no way political parties could fight [such against entrenched interests] unless they join forces to do so,” Pichai said.

“It is difficult because the Democrat and Pheu Thai parties have had a painful history together, but they have no [choice but to put their differences aside]. Otherwise, there’s no way to win under these rules and form a government,” he stressed.

Matters concerning the legislative process were going smoothly, he said, adding that he did not however know about other factors and could not possibly make any assessment of such matters.

Although some critics believe the NLA will shoot down the MP and Senate organic bills, both of which need to be passed and promulgated prior to the holding of an election, Pornpetch expressed confidence that such a scenario would not arise.

It would take more than two-thirds of the NLA members to vote the bills down, he stressed.

In order to gain that such a large majority, the assembly chief said there would have to be an intensive process of lobbying and signalling.

Assuming, as he did, that nothing of that sort got in the way of the crucial organic legislation, the national election should then take place within 150 days of the bills coming in effect as stipulated by the Constitution, which would enable it to be held in November, he added.

If, however, the legislative timetable were to be extended, an amendment to the Constitution would be needed, the NLA president said.

It would not be possible to use the absolute power given to the prime minister under Article 44 of the interim charter to achieve this, because the 2016 Constitution had laid out a clear procedure that included conducting a referendum, he emphasised.

“I don’t see any signs to abort the organic bills now. But if you [the media] do, please let me know,” Pornpetch said. “But if they really were going to be shot down, it wouldn’t be a secret. It wouldn’t be easy to hide.”

During the mobile Cabinet meeting in Phitsanulok late last month, Prayut bought three of the province’s signature dog breed Bangkaew puppies for Bt6,000 each, and also paid Bt25,000 to the breeders as a reward for their help in preservation of the Thai breed.

Prayut then presented one the puppies to Interior Minister Gen Anupong Paochinda, and another to Deputy PM Gen Chatchai Sarikulya as gifts.

Srisuwan said on Tuesday that the NACC law stated that government officials could not receive gifts of more than Bt3,000 apiece.

The NACC should scrutinise the three generals and, if they were found guilty of wrongdoing, punish them in accordance with the law, he insisted.

Minor issues that get highlighted by these TV shows often become even more problematic, as viewers tend to form their own judgments on them and reject the results of investigations by the police, the PM said.

The media should be more careful in presenting such news, he added.

However, Prayut said he could not possibly intervene in such matters and respected the right of the media to report.

But because it was a business, competition forced the media to present what could attract the most viewers, he said, adding that he personally thought many of these issues were “nonsense”.

The premier said it should be left for the justice system to decide what is right or wrong in any such issue, but when it was shown on television in a debate or discussion programme, sometimes the wrong person “got whitewashed”, causing trouble for the justice system.

Prayut also said that he wanted the media to present only good things that made people happy, at least during the New Year holiday period.

He believed that things would get better as the results of the government’s work started to emerge.

Progress in this respect had not been as quick as he would have liked because the issues facing the country were complicated, the PM said, but he vowed to strive to speed up the work this year.

The PM asked the media to help create understanding with the people about the government’s work, and encouraged the people to also communicate with the government, so as to clear up any questions the public might have.

“I don’t have any problems with the media. I just want us to make the new year full of happiness,” he said.

“We have been in deep sorrow in the past year. And before that we were in [a state of] confusion for nearly 10 years. So, in the new year let’s try to think how we can cooperate.”

THE GOVERNMENT has expressed optimism about the economic outlook for 2018, with Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha saying his New Year’s resolution is to push the “Smart City” concept in the Eastern Economic Corridor (EEC).

Government Spokesman Maj-General Sansern Kaewkamnerd said yesterday that the government expected that the economy would boom and extreme poverty “be eradicated” this year, despite signs of a deteriorating economy, including mass layoffs in several sectors.

Sansern said the government planned to allocate “an amount of money” to the grassroots economy, using the tourism and agricultural sectors as mechanisms to create sustainability.

“Many indexes – such as gross domestic product (GDP) growth and the inflation rate – are pointing out that the Thai economy has been strengthened,” he said. “Exports are also increasingly expanding. Mega-investment by the state, such as in transport and projects involving the Eastern Economic Corridor, too, will yield [good results].”

Investment would begin by the second quarter of this year after the tender process on several big projects is completed, Sansern said.

He said Prayut had acknowledged people’s demand for the government to improve the economy.

The premier was aware that as well as improving the macro-economy, it was also essential to strengthen the domestic economy by finding markets and adding value to agricultural products such as rice, rubber and palm oil, the government spokesman added.

However, Prayut was also encouraging low-income earners to try to set goals for their own lives, so they could improve themselves alongside the government’s efforts, Sansern added.

Meanwhile, the prime minister said his intention for this year was to advance the EEC project. He said he was looking into relevant laws to find ways to speed up the project, which involves investment in creating “smart cities” in Rayong, Chon Buri and Chachoengsao.

He also asked private companies to work with the government in the plan to boost regional economies along the eastern seaboard.

“Right now, investment has started to pour into the EEC, so I want the Smart City project to become a reality as soon as possible,” Prayut said. “But the government cannot work on this task alone, we need cooperation from the big private companies and to work together.”

“The people also need to understand that this project will not specifically benefit just some people. Everyone will get advantages from this project as a whole, and big businesses will profit as well because no one wants to invest in unprofitable projects.”

Prayut also asked people to support the tourism industry. He said that more than 35 million tourists visited Thailand in 2017 because of the country’s stability.

“Under my administration, the country is peaceful and stable, attracting larger numbers of tourists every year,” he said.

“All Thai people need to preserve peace in our society and take care of our guests, as they provide us huge income.”

Meanwhile, Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva urged the junta government to revise its economic policies and plans in order to tackle a decline in people’s well-being.

He used a train metaphor to explain the current economic scene as he sees it.

“The government’s mindset seems to be that they focus on empowering people with rich resources to lead the economic system, like a train engine dragging along the rest of the carriages,” he said.

“In fact, however, the engine might not only be linked to the carriages, but also sucking power from those carriages,” the former prime minister went on. “So the engines alone are the fast runners, leaving the rest vulnerable.”

His metaphor also referred to several mega-projects invested in by the junta government.

“It may be necessary to move them [mega-projects] forward. However, don’t expect that they can raise the well-being of people on a large scale,” he said.

For instance, development projects in the EEC, while requiring a great deal of investment, will bear fruit only in some areas of the provinces covered by the plans, he added.

Thailand’s GDP, which has increased yet ranks low at the regional level, does not reflect an improvement in people’s well-being, Abhisit stressed.

“This especially creates an uncomfortable air when it comes to examining those in uniform,” Mana Nimitmongkol, secretary-general of the Anti-corruption Organisation of Thailand, said during an interview with The Nation.

“This centralising policy collides with the fact that wealth is scattered among a small proportion of Thai people,” he said. “It will only give the public an impression of benefiting some particular people.”

Examples of the military government’s centralising approach includes the National Council for Peace and Order’s (NCPO) establishment of several anti-corruption bodies, whether directly or via its appointments.

For instance, the current board of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) was appointed by the National Legislative Assembly (NLA), whose members were handpicked by the junta.

Mana said this apparent connection between the anti-graft agency and the NCPO actually was causing a backlash that hurt the credibility of the junta.

The case of Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan’s luxury watches, for instance, has caught the public’s attention, not only over what appears to be a case of one of the junta’s most powerful figures seemingly having unusual wealth, but also in terms of the how NACC president Watcharapol Prasarnrajkit, who once worked closely with Prawit, will deal with the investigation.

The NLA’s decision not to reset the constitutionally independent NACC board under the upcoming NACC bill, while choosing to reset other independent organisation such as the Election Commission, could also reinforce the public’s belief that there were unhealthy connections between anti-graft officials and the powers-that-be in the junta, he said.

That also justified questions of whether the NCPO was capable of efficiently and directly addressing related problems, he said.

The NCPO chief, Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha, has also repeatedly used his absolute powers under Article 44 to swiftly shift, suspend or sack officials from their posts.

Under current circumstances, the most that people could do to combat graft was to remain vigilant, Mana said. While activist Srisuwan Janya was keen to file petitions against alleged probes committed by state officials, the general public should also keep their eyes and ears tuned to state conduct, he added.

“It is also crucial to support freedom of the media so they can freely investigate any irregularities and inform society about their findings.”

He used a train metaphor to explain the current economic scene as he sees it.

“The government’s mindset seems to be that they focus on empowering people with rich resources to lead the economic system, like a train engine dragging along the rest of the bogies,” he said.

“In fact, however, the engine might not only be linked to the bogies, but also sucking power from those bogies,” the former prime minister went on. “So the engines alone are the fast runners, leaving the rest vulnerable.”

His metaphor also referred to several mega-projects invested in by the junta government.

“It may be necessary to move them [mega-projects] forward. However, don’t expect that they can raise the well-being of people on a large scale,” he said.

For instance, development projects in the Eastern Economic Corridor, while requiring a great deal of investment, will bear fruit only in some areas of the provinces covered by the plans, he added.

Thailand’s gross domestic product, which has increased yet ranks low at the regional level, does not reflect an improvement in people’s well-being, Abhisit stressed.

Government spokesman Maj-General Sansern Kaewkamnerd said the priority would be to boost the economy and tackle bread-and-butter issues.

Sansern said the government planned to allocate “an amount of money” to the grassroots, using the tourism and agricultural sectors, as mechanisms to create sustainability in the economy.

“Many indexes – such as GDP growth and the inflation rate – are pointing out that the Thai economy has been strengthened,” he said. “Exports are also increasingly expanding. Mega-investment by the state, such as in transport and projects involving the Eastern Economic Corridor, too, will yield [good results].”

Investment would begin by the second quarter of this year after the tendering process on several big projects was completed, Sansern said.

He said that Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha had acknowledged the people’s demand for the government to improve the economy.

The premier was aware that as well as improving the macro economy, it was also essential to strengthen the domestic economy by finding markets and adding value to agricultural products such as rice, rubber and palm oil, the government spokesman added.

However, Prayut was also encouraging low-income earners to try to set goals for their own lives, so they could improve themselves alongside the government’s efforts, Sansern added.