Parit Chiwarak, Thanawat Wongchai and Wiranpat Rodkaew went to the OHCHR office in Bangkok to file the petition issued by a student network of 10 universities and institutes.

After meeting OHCHR representatives, Parit, a political science student from Thammasat University, said that the UN body had agreed to continue urging the Thai junta over alleged infringements of human rights.

The OHCHR also expressed concerns about suspected eavesdropping by the Thai authorities over communication devices, especially targeting those considered dissidents by the junta, Parit said.

Thanawat, an economics second-year student from Chulalongkorn University, said that some officers attempted to track him through his faculty, trying to obtain his address and information.

“Luckily, my faculty didn’t contact them back,” said Thanawat, who also serves as a deputy on the university’s student council and has joined noted student activist, Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal, in activities that challenged the junta.

Wiranpat, also a politics student from Chulalongkorn, said two police officers came to her house and talked to her mother on Tuesday, a day after she raised a banner mocking Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha who lectured at her university.

Wiranpat said officers had asked her mother about her activism and whether she had been backed by any political party or paid by anyone.

Her mother insisted she did everything out of her own free will and that she was interested in politics, Wiranpat said.

It was unclear how the officers had obtained her personal information and address, she said.

So far after her activism against Prayut, Wirapat said she had not been pressured by the university. Some democratic activists claim that the institution’s executives back the junta.

“Some may view our actions as betraying our country. They may question why we are bothered to report this,” said Parit, a prominent student activist who was visited by the authorities late last month.

“But the country belongs to all of us. We’re doing everything to enable everyone in this country to live with rights, freedom and dignity.”

The OHCHR did not comment.

Somchai tendered his resignation after the Cabinet on Tuesday transferred him to a less active post as secretary general of the National Economic and Social Development Board, state think-tank agency.

Prayut said he had not yet seen the resignation letter, and reiterated that he would not ask Somchai to reconsider his resignation.

He was confident that the situation would not lead to a rift between his Cabinet and state officials.

“ If there is any [rift], then it’s because of the media,” an annoyed Prayut told a reporter.

PRIME MINISTER Prayut Chan-o-cha admitted yesterday that he could think of no other candidate to become head of government after the election other than himself.

“I have no idea,” Prayut responded to Government House reporters when asked whether he would think of any other possibilities.

“You make me this famous. You could also bring some other names up,” he added.

The junta leader was reluctant to talk about his political path after a long-delayed election now set to be held next February.

New rules regarding the parliamentary system and PM selection stipulated in the 2017 charter also make it likely that the next government head needs support from small and medium-size political parties, or junta-appointed senators, or both.

Many new parties that have applied for registration with the Election Commission since last month have also come up with a clear agenda to support Prayut or enable the junta to continue in power.

Given the current circumstances, plus continued suppression of political parties, observers view Prayut as almost the sole possibility to become the next PM. Last week, his deputy Somkid Jatusripitak, who heads the government’s economic team, also hinted that he would support Prayut as next PM. This came amid speculation that Somkid might prepare to set up a pro-Prayut party.

Prayut yesterday said he acknowledged “what is going on” but stressed that no one has approached him to take a position in any new political party so far.

“I will have to see whether the position is in line with what I’ve done earlier,” the junta chief said. “For now, I don’t know anything. I may get clearer politically after meeting with political parties.”

Prayut appeared to refer to a talk between representatives from the ruling junta, National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), and political parties to be held in June. Despite the junta’s claim to create “mutual understanding” on election-related laws and regulations ahead of the national vote, critics viewed that it could be an opportunity for the junta to make parties comply with their scheme.

“I don’t hate politics. I just hate politics with corruption and no good governance,” he added.

With the country having no elections at any level for over four years, Prayut said it was possible to have “one or two” local elections prior to the nationwide one.

Local elections are held to elect members of provincial and tambon administrative organisations and of Bangkok’s city councils, as well as to elect the Bangkok governor.

Elected Bangkok governor MR Sukhumbhand Paribatra, who is the

predecessor of the current office holder Asawin Kwanmuang, was sacked using the junta’s sweeping Article 44 order after a series of corruption scandals. He was replaced by his then-deputy Asawin.

“We’ll have to see how the situation will be. If we don’t have enough time, we can always extend it,” Prayut said yesterday.

The song made its debut at Government House, where Prayut presided over a merit-making ceremony for the upcoming Songkran Festival.

It is a sixth single so far by Prayut since he became premier in 2014.

Prayut is known to share his habit of writing songs and poetry with fellow Cabinet members, civil servants and the general public. His songs have been repeatedly played on junta-owned broadcasting programs.

His first song, “Khuen Kwam Suk Hai Pra Thed Thai” or “Returning Happiness to Thailand”, is considered the biggest hit so far and has been played throughout almost four years of the junta’s rule and has been popular in running gags mocking the junta.

For Su Pheu Phan Din, Prayut said that the song means a call for people to fight and do good deeds for the country, including himself.

“I’ve been here for almost four years I’ve seen some criticisms but I can bear it,” Prayut said at his weekly press briefing.

“I still don’t have all things finished yet. I wish politicians would adopt a mindset like mine,” he said. “My thoughts may be wrong as well but I wish they would propose some better, more rounded solutions.”

Much like Prayut’s explanation, the song’s lyrics mostly convey messages about attempts to do good deeds for the country with no criticisms to obstruct the deeds “carried on by honest hearts for better tomorrow”.

Unlike his previous songs, which mostly adopt 80s-style beat and rhythm, the latest song features Thai musical instruments, much like “BuppeSanNivas”, a soundtrack from the current hit TV series of the same name.

This came as no surprise to the song’s composer, Wichien Tantipimonphan, who also composed BuppeSanNivas.

Prayut also admitted that the song styling was intentional to catch the popularity of ancient Thai trends. “This is also in line with our Thai Niyom scheme,” Prayut said.

It is a place where the 26-year-old Oxon, publicly known by his nickname “Itim”, has not only trained himself but is also expecting to work as an MP once the country returns to parliamentary democracy.

According to critics, the ruling junta has striven in every way to ensure their continuation in power after the election. In countering the old-fashioned air surrounding the regime, and bored with the old faces long associated with key parties, Thais are increasingly looking to rising and new figures in the hope that they could more or less rescue Thai politics.

Parit, indeed, puts himself in this latter category. Young, educated in top British institutes with working experience in the development field, Parit has recently spoken in many public forums, selling his idea of promoting “liberal democracy” as a cure for what ails the country.

Parit bears a significant resemblance to Abhisit, one of the political old faces that the electorate has come to love and hate.

But it is not just Parit’s face. Even his way of speaking and his demeanour reminds people of the Democrat Party leader.

When he was the premier, Abhisit brought the then 16-year-old Parit to “observe” how Government House functioned. The relatives, looking a lot like father and son, have made occasional media appearances together since then.

But Parit brushed aside accusations of nepotism.

“They would say that I will automatically enter the Democrat Party because of my background, but no. In fact, the party has the most democratic internal system I’ve seen so far. Unlike the others, the party’s leader is chosen from a contested election among branch leaders,” he said. “I happened to be born in Mr Abhisit’s family, I didn’t choose it,” he went on, flashing a charming smile. “All of this is the way I have chosen by myself.”

His reason to jump into the quagmire of Thai politics is one that is heard often but rarely practised – to be involved in the country’s development via policy-making processes based on academic research.

Among the issues that grab his interest are some that have been previously voiced by Abhisit, such as equality enhancement in Thai society, but also more modern concepts ranging from legalising LGBTQ to engaging with more technology at the party to national policy levels.

Parit would have to work this out with the country’s oldest party, one perceived as the most conservative. The Democrat Party’s image has a definite lean to the right and is seen to have joined hands with the coup-makers.

Worst of all, Abhisit and his then-deputy Suthep Thaugsuban – viewed as the most powerful Democrat figure – have not able to erase memories of the 2010 massacre when Abhisit was the PM and Suthep his deputy. Although the two have been acquitted legally, the public doubts the justice system and continues to condemn the two.

This means that in order to step forward successfully, Parit and the Democrats have a lot to do to clear the party’s name. Parit partially accepts some of the flaws.

“The Democrat and the People’s Democratic Reform Committee [PDRC] are two separate groups,” Parit clarifies. “The two agreed to object to the amnesty bill [pushed by Yingluck Shinawatra’s government]. I also supported the cause while I studied in the UK. The party, however, was not involved with the ‘shutdown’ event.”

The point that Parit makes has been long reiterated by Abhisit and the Democrats, that despite Suthep’s leading role in the PDRC and the active roles of some former Democrat MPs in the PDRC, the two parties are separate from each other.

For the 2010 tragedy, Parit briefly said that the justice process should “punish those responsible” and retribution should prevent such a scenario from repeating itself.

He did not agree with the opinion that the party was conservative, arguing that the party has been open to the young generations throughout its seven decades “like how Mr Abhisit became the party’s leader when he was in his 40s”.

Parit, however, said the party would require some reforms and modernisation, including adhering to “liberal democracy” as the founding principle of the party.

“Our fight against corruption, against ‘tyranny of majority’, may have cast doubts among the public whether the Democrats will return to this principle,” he said, using the Democrats’ much-used phrase against its rival, the populist Pheu Thai Party. He wants a liberal democracy in Thai society to prevent the usurping of “power by the majority”. And the champion to lead such ideology, in his view, is certainly the Democrat Party in the modern era.

“We have a high numbers of branches across the country. This ensures our internal checks-and-balance system with decentralisation of power,” he said.

Unlike Abhisit, who has been criticised for allegedly avoiding military service, Parit will enter the Army next month following his voluntary enrolment last week.

He would be trained for six months, meaning he would be out in time for the general election, now tentatively set for February.

“The soldiers, the policemen, all sacrifice themselves for the public cause. The politicians are no different,” he added, before leaving to join a group of young Democrats who would soon make their debut alongside him.

The party’s tentative co-founders Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit and Piyabutr Saengkanokkul went to the Election Commission (EC) to submit a petition asking the National Council for Peace and Order to allow their meeting to be held on May 27 for their preparation.

They also went to check on the progress of the EC’s response to the party’s registration request submitted on March 15. The EC is expected to reply by 30 days from the date of submission. EC acting secretary-general Pol Colonel Jarungwit Phumma assured them that all parties were considered equally. Future Forward had equal freedom as other parties to register as a legitimate party and was not being scrutinised more than others were, he said. The confirmation letter from the EC could be expected by 30 days after the registration.

While the junta’s ban against political gathering of five or more people have hindered all political parties from any kind of official, collective activities, Piyabutr said that the party saw otherwise as the Political Party Act had been in effect since last October. The party urged the NCPO to revoke some conditions stipulated in its order No 53/2017, which was issued to amend the party act to “facilitate” the registration process of political parties while the political activity ban still remained. Piyabutr noted that all parties have merely been given just over five months to seek 500 members, raise at least Bt 1 million as seed funding, prepare policies and obtain the party’s board as required.

Prayut also said that becoming prime minister was not part of his childhood plans. And he defended his 20-year national strategy, rejecting critics’ claim it was part of a “plot” to let him stay on in power.

“Today all the sides have to work together, otherwise things will go on and off, on and off again all the time,” he said.

“Everyone needs to participate. You don’t just make demands and stage protests.”

Prayut, who also heads the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), was giving a speech entitled “Chulalongkorn University and the Driving of Thailand During the Transition” at the university’s main auditorium.

The event was attended by the university’s students and lecturers, as well as a number of political activists including junta critics Sombat Boon-ngam-anong and Sirawit Serithiwat.

Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal, a CU student known for his anti-junta stance, was also in the audience. However, he was seated in the hall’s mezzanine, separate from most other audience members.

Appearing with a facemask and ear plugs, Netiwit said it was because he found the place “full of air and noise pollution”. He also wore a mourning band to protest the university management’s decision to invite “a person like this” to give a speech.

What Prayut said had not changed from his past remarks, said Netiwit. “He made jokes and there was no substance in what he said today.”

In a speech that lasted almost an hour, Prayut said nobody could tell whether the country’s current period under military rule would make things better or worse.

“But this government intends to do our best. We aim to ease the conflicts to make things better,” he said.

The PM appeared in a dark business suit and a pink tie, the university’s colour – as he mentioned during his talk.

He said that although his childhood was “far from perfect”, his goal at a young age had been to become a military officer – and hopefully a general before retirement.

“I had no plan to become prime minister,” he said.

Prayut said his government’s 20-year national strategy was aimed at reforming the country in different areas – and not designed to ensure he would remain at the country’s helm.

“Why should I stay on in power for another 20 years? I am 60 now and that’s already old. I need to rest,” he said.

The prime minister later said he has yet to schedule his meeting with representatives from political parties.

“Whenever the election is called, there will definitely be a meeting. Sooner or later, the meeting will take place before the election,” he told reporters at the nearby Siam Square One building.

While Prayut was speaking to media, three CU students appeared nearby carrying sheets of paper bearing the message, “Chula people love Uncle Tu [Dictator]”, and with the words “Uncle Tu” crossed out.

As security officials were attempting to move the protesters, Prayut shouted: “Let them. Don’t harm them. If they don’t understand, let them.”

While pointing his finger at the students, he said: “You are good. Come out next time when the country is in trouble.”

RIDING AGAINST the visible global trend towards authoritarianism and autocracy, young billionaire politician Thanathorn Juangroong-ruangkit wants to jockey Thailand towards the leading democracy in the region.

“My mission is to install functional democracy with civilian supremacy in Thailand, send the military back to the barracks and rearrange civilian-military relations as it is supposed to be in a democratic country,” Thanathorn said in an interview with The Nation. A former student activist, businessman Thanathorn and a number of scholars and social activists have formed a political party, Future Forward, which will take the political leap when the junta allows the next election.

Thai politics is faced with a dilemma as the established elite and dominantly conservative middle class lack faith in democracy. They are afraid of elections as that could bring only the party inspired by former premier Thaksin Shinawatra to power, he said.

The elite and conservative have never allowed democracy to function properly since the revolution in 1932, he said, adding the most democratic charter lasted only nine years – from 1997-2006. The military was invited to topple Thaksin in 2006 and again in 2014 to oust his sister Yingluck Shinawatra. “I don’t want to see any more military coups for the rest of my life,” he said.

In the meantime, those who prefer elections are too focused on Thaksin and forget about the functioning of the parliamentary system, he said. “What we have to do is restore democracy and allow it to work to settle our conflicts,” he said. “We need more democracy, not less, to solve our problems. Thailand has a lot of problems such as poverty and inequality, but we want to lay a solid ground for democracy first, so human rights and the rule of law are important.”

Restoration of democracy will be an uphill task as people are increasingly of the view that democracy is in decline and perhaps has failed to benefit the majority. It has become an instrument for a handful of wealthy elite to maintain their status quo, so Donald Trump won the presidency in the US and so did Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, he said. “This trend is dangerous for popular politics in the world.”

“That’s the reason why we need somebody to protect democracy and I believe many countries have remained faithful to a democratic system.” However, democracy also evolves in accordance with the geo-political and local environment, he said. “We also can use modern technology to develop democracy.” New technology allows people to vote via applications to make decisions on any particular matter directly, he said. “In this sense, technology can bypass representatives, enabling people to make decisions to manage the budget and resources by themselves.”

He was clear that China, despite its economic success, was not a model for the Future Forward Party to shape Thailand’s future since the success has come at the expense of human rights and a large number of people could be left behind, he said. “The junta looks at the China model since it could serve their status quo.”

If his party won the election and managed to restore democracy in Thailand, the country could resume its position as the genuine leader of Asean, Thanathorn said. “If we succeed, we could inspire other countries in the region to follow our model,” he said. “Millions of people in Asean countries are suffering from suppression of rights.” With democracy, Thailand could be an active player in the international community and inspire other countries to respect human rights, he said. Many factors such as the military, the bureaucracy, big capitalists, cronies as well as the culture of authoritarianism and attitudes among Thais are an obstruction for the restoration of democracy in Thailand, he said. “We have to promote a democratic culture and human rights principles in our society too,” he added.

Respect for human rights and democratic values are not so popular in Thailand and this could be major obstacles for his party to win the election or even get people to join the party, he said. “But that’s fine, we are looking at things in the long run. We might not succeed in the first election. I can wait.”

“Our first party congress – when the junta allows such activity – would be open to all people. We will follow the democratic process in electing party leaders. In the end, I might not be the party head. I will not use my wealth to dominate the party,” Thanathorn said.

Note : To extricate Thai politics from the status quo, a new generation of volunteers are entering the political fray in the coming election. This is one of a fivepart series by The Nation, presenting their vision, their platform and the personalities behind the movement.

THE NEXT ELECTION is still far away, possibly not before February next year, according to the prime minister, but some newborn parties have begun introducing themselves as an alternative to the usual voting options, while many of the established political parties have plans to revitalise themselves and be more competitive.

That includes the established Chart Thai Pattana Party, founded by the late former leader and prime minister Banharn Silpa-archa, whose powerful personality dominated the party and its predecessor Chart Thai Party for more than 20 years.

The original Chart Thai Party, known for its “old-style” politics, was dissolved due to election fraud and reinvented itself with “Pattana” in its name.

In a recent interview with The Nation, party adviser Varawut Silpa-archa announced a plan to rebrand his party by mixing “young blood” with seasoned politicians.

After the passing of his father in 2016, “Phu Yai” (senior politicians) in the party had discussed and agreed that they needed to revive the party by pushing young blood to the frontlines, Varawut said.

To move the country forward, “new things” must be created, he said.

“How do you shape the country by letting only senior people get involved? We need the young generation to be involved, too because they are the people who will live with it.”

Varawut was referring to the junta government’s 20-year strategic plan and accompanying reforms, which were drafted by senior experts.

“We also believe that more of the young generation will enter politics. So with our plan, we will have a new ‘product’ to offer voters,” he said.

The party plan will put its veteran politicians in back-up roles to the young ones.

“It’s like the Phu Yai will become the board of directors, while the young blood, aged around 30-45, will become the CEO, CFO or party leader, deputy leader and secretary-general,” the 44-year-old politician said.

Both sides will work in collaboration, he said.

He compared the seasoned seniors to an experienced “brain” with a store of background political knowledge, which the young blood could analyse and turn into new policies and approaches that avoid repeating the mistakes of the past.

Several of the young blood are also experienced former party MPs, including Paradon and Korawee Prissanananthakul, sons of former party executive Somsak, and Samerkun Thiengtham, son of former party executive Jongchai.

There is also Siripong Angkasakulkiat, a second-generation business heir of the family behind the Sirimongkol Property company in Si Sa Ket. “And then there is me, of course,” said Varawut.

Most of them are heirs of old politicians, the former PM’s son conceded, while also brushing aside criticism that the party is becoming monopolised by political clans.

“We are people who have ties to voters in our political bases and will continue the tasks of our parents. That would be our advantage when the election campaign is kick-started,” he said.

If you are a brand-new young blood candidate you may win an election in Bangkok but voters in the provinces have totally different thinking and lifestyles, so understanding their values is vitally important, he said.

The announcement of the move to rebrand the party once nicknamed an “eel on skates” in an allusion to Banharn’s “slippery shrewdness” style of playing politics, came after the launch of the Future Forward Party of auto-parts billionaire Thanathorn Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit last month. The executive-turned-politician was seen by many as a young-blood new hope for Thai politics as he vowed to resurrect politics from its “lost decade” along with appealing to the youth vote.

To compete for a new generation of voters, the current Chart Thai Pattana leaders know they must be replaced by younger ones. Once the junta lifts its ban on political activities and allows existing parties to convene a meeting to appoint party executives, Varawut said he would have no hesitation in inheriting his father’s position.

“If the door is open and party members choose me as the party leader, I’m ready. If I am able to unite party members and move the party forward, I will accept the post,” said Varawut, adding that he would run as a constituency MP for Suphan Buri as in the past.

In the last election, his party won 19 seats but he is expecting to win around 30 in the next election.

Varawut argued that many things had changed since 2011, the year of the last election.

There have been changes in what voters think and what they want from their government, along with a large increase in the number of young people eligible to vote and an unexpected accompanying enthusiasm for politics.

“Our party is practical. We will present or say only what we can really implement,” said Varawut.

“We have seen many politicians who are good at talking but fail to carry it out.”

That approach is reflected in the party’s stance on whether it would support a non-elected MP, such as Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha, to become prime minister after the next election. “I cannot give you the answer today if we would support Prayut as the next prime minister,” he said.

It depended on the situation, Varawut said, and it was still not clear if Prayut would accept a party’s offer to nominate him to be listed as a PM candidate.