“After March 8, the election road map will become clearer as all four organic laws essential for the poll are completely passed by the Assembly then [everyone] will wait for the royal endorsement, the promulgation and the enforcement. Then, the election comes within 150 days,” Jate said, reciting the road map.

Last week, Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam, who is also a legal expert, said the government would announce the election date in June, presumably after all the organic laws were promulgated.

The election would not be delayed, Wissanu said.

The statements came amid growing pressure against the junta after the NLA passed the MP election bill, which could put off the promised election by three months. Pro-democracy activists are encouraging people to take to the street to demand an election, pressing the junta to keep its promise.

Jate slammed the pro-democracy movement for ignoring the conditions laid out by the political party organic law.

He explained the 90-day extension was for the political parties to conduct primary voting. This was a way for the people to participate in selecting political candidates to be fielded in the general election, he said.

The PM’s Secretariat ordered the investigation reportedly out of concern that the act could have been a “superstitious ritual” carried out by people who had ill intentions against the junta government.

Officials added that there was a rule prohibiting the lighting of incense in the area.

The incense sticks were found under flower bushes in front of the Thai Khu Fah building, the main office of Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha, on Friday, the day after a lotus basin in the area was accidentally broken by a car. The breaking of an object on Chinese New Year is considered by many to be a bad omen.

Prayut subsequently ordered Chinese-style red lanterns to be hung at the building’s gates on the same day.

Government House staff and Prayut himself have said the lanterns were for decorative purposes only and not involved in any form of superstition.

Traditional Buddhist ceremonies, particularly merit-making rituals, often take place at the area on special occasions.

AS PROTESTERS, including opponents of coal-fired power plants and pro-election groups, increase pressure on the junta, security officials have said they would use a “soft approach” to maintain order, but also look into “financiers” who allegedly backed anti-junta groups.

Power plant protesters will stage a demonstration in front of Government House today despite a protest ban at the venue. Protest leader Direk Hemnakhon said yesterday that protesters would march from the current demonstration site at the United Nations building on Ratchadamnoen Avenue to voice their demands for the permanent cancellation of coal-fired projects in Krabi and Songkhla’s Thepa district.

The group acknowledged the protest ban regarding the area around Government House, but had to march since members had staged a hunger strike for nine days and the government had not accepted their demands, he said.

Army commander General Chalermchai Sitthisart said protests against the power plants had been peaceful, but a rally at Government House would have larger-scale consequences.

Authorities would need to take action and enforce relevant laws, as at the least the protest would cause traffic congestion, he said.

“Officials will take good care and provide assistance. I don’t think there will be any problems,” Chalermchai said.

He added that he did not think the UN’s recognition of the protest would have any negative effects for Thailand. The government was dealing with the matter “properly”, he said.

“There are both opponents and supporters of the power plant project. The government has to deal with the matter carefully. The parties involved must take part to consider this matter together,” he said.

Protesters said the group had already notified police about their march to Government House and assured them that they would not cause chaos or break the law.

On February 9, Metropolitan Police announced a 50-metre area around Government House as a no-protest zone, forcing coal-fired power plant protesters to relocate their venue to the UN building.

There were 69 persons participating in the hunger strike against the power projects yesterday. They said they would not consume anything except for water, milk and coconut juice until the government orders a permanent cancellation of both projects in the South.

Ten people have been hospitalised during the prolonged hunger strike.

Authorities take legal action

Protester Somboon Khamhang said the Civil Court would issue a judgment today on the police order that would force them to leave their current site at the UN offices. The protesters had already complied with the Public Gathering Act, as the group had notified authorities that the protest would last until February 28, he said.

The power plant protesters form one group of many exerting pressure on the junta to meet their demands.

Other groups include the Democracy Restoration Group and Start Up People, which are demanding not only an election, but also for the junta to step down and allow a return to democracy.

Four assemblies, each lasting for a few hours, have taken place so far with participating activists having been charged with allegations including breaking the junta’s order against sedition, which could land offenders in prison for up to seven years.

Prosecutions are ongoing with some activists having been released without condition and others on bail, while many are still continuing to hold assemblies.

Top-ranking security officers are standing firm on statements that they will be able to control the escalating assemblies to maintain the “order of the country”.

They also said they would track down unspecified “financiers” that they suspected were sponsoring protest groups organising anti-junta actions.

“I think most Thai people also want an election, but they understand our procedures and allow us some time,” said Army chief Chalermchai. “That is better than confronting each other and making the conflicts return.”

National Security Council secretary-general General Wanlop Raksanor added that he did not expect many people to join the anti-junta rallies.

The 25-year-old first came under the media spotlight when he led a “sandwich-eating protest” against military rule a month after the May 2014 coup. His involvement in protests has led to seven legal cases against him, with charges including instigating disturbances. Rangsiman talks to The Nation’s Somroutai Sapsomboon about his group’s campaign for an election and his plans for the future.

HAVE YOU FELT DISHEARTENED FACING LEGAL CASES FOR WHAT YOU ARE DOING?

Certainly, I am only human. Those cases are not usual for someone who is 25 years old. But I have never thought of giving up my fight. I believe time is on my side – I am still young. I may not win today but I must win in the future. That’s when the NCPO [National Council for Peace and Order] loses its power and the country returns to democracy. Thailand will have to go back to the international democratic system some day.

YOUR GROUP PLANS A FOUR-DAY DEMONSTRATION FROM MAY 19-22, ON THE FOURTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE COUP.

Our main goals are for the election date to be clearly announced – it must be in November, as the prime minister had said. And the NCPO must promise the people they will make no attempt to return to power after the election.

DOES THAT ALSO MEAN NCPO CHIEF PRAYUT CHAN-O-CHA MUST NOT COME BACK AS PRIME MINISTER?

It’s okay if General Prayut returns to power through the usual process. But the NCPO’s organs must not be used in an effort to give him an advantage over competitors.

YOUR GROUP IS DESCRIBED AS STAGING PROTESTS TOO REGULARLY.

That’s an attempt to discredit us. People should focus on the essence of what I say. If it’s useful to the country, you should heed it. People with good intentions towards the country must not be discredited. Thai society should look into the essence of what is said, rather than who says it or the political preference or position of that person.

IT IS ALLEGED THAT YOUR GROUP IS FUNDED WITH POLITICAL PURPOSES.

The NCPO has investigated us for almost four years and they have found nothing. If they did find something, they would not let us walk free. I see that allegation as an attempt to discredit us.

I have no connections with the red shirts. But I have something to do with the yellow shirts. Some people in my family supported the People’s Democratic Reform Committee and they joined the rally organised by the People’s Alliance for Democracy.

My family members dislike Thaksin Shinawatra and they certainly will not vote for Pheu Thai Party. Yet their support for the NCPO has reduced, although they see no other choices than General Prayut or the NCPO. A lack of choices is a problem. It’s like we get out of the frying pan into the fire.

PEOPLE ARE AFRAID OF STREET PROTESTS THAT ARE VIEWED AS PREVENTING THE COUNTRY FROM MOVING FORWARD.

I understand those who have that feeling. But the question is whether any other method exists to make our country get back to democracy. What kind of future could we expect from the existing system? I don’t want to do it this way but there is no other means to force the NCPO to keep their promise given to the people. So we have to take to the streets.

WHAT IS YOUR PLAN FOR THE FUTURE?

I have to complete my postgraduate studies within four years. I want to be a university lecturer. But today I have to do my duty as a Thai citizen. If an election is held today, I can get back to do what I want to. I come from a middle-class family [in Phuket] and society has given me opportunities. So I want to pay back. Being a lecturer teaching younger people and making them a key force in the country’s development should be a good thing to do.

ARE YOU INTERESTED IN ENTERING POLITICS?

I have no passion in that field. There must be other people who can do it better than me. My family already is not happy with me becoming a political activist and having problems with the law. I have disappointed my family, but my family cannot take care of me forever. I have to take care of myself while staying in this country so I want to create a better future for our country.

“Throughout [the more than] three and a half years since the coup, we have found that the military [-installed] government has strictly suppressed and curbed people’s space on human rights, especially on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly,” the London-based human-rights organisation said in a call for urgent action.

“Many people with dissidence against the coup or the said government have been arbitrarily detained, prosecuted by the government’s order and brought to the military court,” Amnesty said. “These [acts] are very inconsistent with international laws and human-rights standards.”

Amnesty also called for the revocation and amendment of Thai laws in ways that would not infringe people’s rights.

As the name MBK 39 suggests, an accidental group of 39 activists, students and journalists have been subject to charges for joining an assembly – held near MBK shopping centre in downtown Bangkok – to call for the long-delayed general election to be held on January 27.

They were accused of allegedly breaking the junta’s ban against political gatherings of five or more people, and of violating the Public Assembly Act.

Nine of them, considered to be key figures, were also charged with sedition.

Although now released on bail or without conditions, they will still face prosecution.

While conviction under the Public Assembly Act carries a maximum penalty of a year’s imprisonment, Article 116 of the Criminal Code allows for wrongdoers to receive as much as seven years in jail.

Samart Kaewmeechai, a former deputy president of the national assembly, said that such a scenario was barely possible given that it apparently broke the political party law.

It likely rather stemmed from the personal views of supporters of Pongsak in the party, particularly from ex-MPs in the Northeast, he suggested.

“Pongsak is one of those people suitable [for Pheu Thai leadership] as first-generation workers, and was the first party director,” he said, adding, “Still, he has never expressed interest in overseeing the party.”

With his business background, Pongsak served at different times as industry minister and transport minister under Thaksin Shinawatra, and as energy minister in Yingluck Shinawatra’s administration.

Speculation over his becoming the next Pheu Thai leader came shortly after reports that some of the party’s politicians had recently flown abroad to visit fugitive former premier Thaksin for political discussions, including about who would navigate the currently headless party.

These discussions took place at a time of rising domestic anger following yet another postponement of the general election, plus the appearance of Yingluck, who fled Thailand last August to escape punishment in connection with her former administration’s rice-pledging scheme.

Political observers believe the Pheu Thai figures might have brainstormed with the two former PMs on the party’s future path as the junta continues to tighten its grip on power.

TJA president Poramet Lekpetch insisted on Monday that its executive board’s resolution not to disclose details of the case had been taken because the association was concerned about the privacy of all those involved.

Poramet said that the organisation had proceeded with the case in line with its internal procedures, with the allegations of sexual misconduct being investigated in secret and the disclosure of the findings only being undertaken if the parties concerned gave their permission to do so, he said.

The TJA fact-finding panel had not pinpointed any wrongdoers, but cited “a situation prone to the act [of sexual harassment]”, hence no penalties could be imposed against anyone, he explained.

The association has written to media organisations asking them to follow its panel’s recommendations following the case, and – citing ongoing media reform – he believed that in the long term these bodies would come up with proper guidelines for dealing with such cases.

“But personally, I think the best way to deal with sexual harassment in the workplace is for the victim to be brave and stand up and protect his or her own rights,” Poramet added.

The TJA’s latest insistence on keeping the details secret follows the demand for disclosure in the case by 19 so-called “field reporters”.

They claimed that the association’s press release on the issue had left the case ambiguous, and wondered if the TJA had covered up the real issue, with doubts over whether it had treated the victim fairly.

The TJA’s earlier press release, the reporters added, did not firmly address measures to prevent sexual harassment in the future.

The association released its fact-finding results in the case last month, without naming anyone involved or even pinpointing whether the alleged act had actually taken place.

The TJA said at the time that its press release was based on the findings of its independent fact-finding panel, which was appointed last September to investigate the matter.

A close relationship and trust in the workplace were addressed as the key factors that had led to “misunderstanding” and a “sexual harassment-prone situation”, the TJA concluded.

A director of an unnamed media organisation was accused in the middle of last year of having sexually harassed a colleague in the workplace.

The news was then circulated on social media, during which the male executive was strongly criticised, leading to the investigation by the TJA.

The fact-finding panel talked in secret with 11 persons, including the alleged harassment victim and the accused.

It learned that they were close and had trust in one another, to the point that the relationship may have led to a misunderstanding and a situation that was prone to sexual harassment.

This was partly due “to a person having been raised in a way that respected older persons and seniority”, the TJA noted in its press release.

The two later talked and apologised to one another, the association said.

The victim of the alleged harassment then quit her job, before the news broke with a third party disseminating “distorted facts” on social media and affecting their reputations, the TJA added.

A former Pheu Thai MP for Chiang Rai, Samart Kaewmeechai, said political parties had to abide by the law and needed to be extra-careful when taking any such action or they risked being dissolved.

“Please don’t say we [politicians] are doing nothing. It’s not fair to us. If we joined the protest held by students and other innocent forces, it would weaken their power to fight,” he said on Sunday.

Somkid Chuakong, a former Pheu Thai Party MP for Ubon Ratchathani, said he and his colleagues did not want the students’ movement to be seen as having politicians helping them behind the scenes or even having their financial support.

Pro-democracy groups on Saturday had announced that a series of peaceful protests would take place throughout February and March as a prelude to a larger demonstration in May to ask for a return to the democratic path and the holding of a general election as promised.

They also called on politicians and members of the public to participate in the protests.

During the assembly, the 2nd Army Area was reportedly providing “facilitation and security” for commuters and people joining the event at Thao Suranari monument in Nakhon Ratchasima.

The event was organised by the Start Up People activist group, which on February 10 launched a landmark assembly in Bangkok calling for the repeatedly delayed election to take place this year.

Activist leader Sirawith Seritiwat had turned himself in to police after joining that assembly, but was then released on bail before joining yesterday’s event.

“Today is the beginning of our campaign here in Korat and we will host this activity in other major cities soon,” Sirawith said during the event in Nakhon Ratchasima, which is also known as Korat.

The assembly included the distribution of leaflets and was lived-streamed on Facebook, while officials in attendance apparently did not disturb the activities.

Activists plan to launch a series of assemblies through May calling for an election and also for the junta to step down and allow a return to democracy.

Lt-General Tharakorn Thamwin-thorn, commander of the 2nd Army Area, claimed that soldiers had successfully raised public awareness in the Northeast regarding the junta’s “necessity to shift the election date”.

“As has been said several times, the National Council for Peace and Order [NCPO] is committed to following the road map [to democracy],” Tharakorn said. “People understand this well so I don’t think such an assembly is significant.”

During the past week, the junta has held meetings seeking to identify “connections” between the activist movements and the recent public appearances of Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra, who reportedly were met by Pheu Thai members in foreign countries.

Meanwhile, an academic forum at Thammasat University’s Tha Pra Chan campus yesterday heard doubts about the legitimacy and lasting effects of laws enacted by the NCPO and the current appointed branches of government.

“The NCPO always claims that it follows the law, which is in fact the offspring of the junta’s own appointments,” said Teerawat Kwanjai, a law lecturer at Prince of Songkla University. “This has paved the way for the NCPO’s almost four years in power, combined with the public’s fear of prosecution.”

Regarding freedom of expression, the NCPO had limited rights through its own orders and more-intensively enforced standard legislation, Teerawat said.

The examples of laws being used in such enforcement included martial law; NCPO order no 3/2015, which authorises military officers to exercise police powers and arbitrarily detain people for seven days; the computer crime bill; and the public assembly bill.

One trend worth noting, Teerawat said, was that the NCPO had initially relied on martial law but recently invoked its own orders to detain people in specific cases.

“In other words, the NCPO seems to have more trust in the Thai courts after seeing how they barely have infringed on the junta’s authority,” he said.

Somchai Preechasinlapakun, a law lecturer at Chiang Mai University, said the justice system was an essential instrument to determine the NCPO’s legitimacy. “And the junta has maintained its power until now thanks to the courts – whether they be criminal, administrative or military – that do not deny the legitimacy of the NCPO,” he said.

“With the justice system being politically dependent, this will eventually result in the system’s usual norms being extremely eroded,” he added.