“Not long before passing, Prem had his close aide inform me that the former Privy Council president wished to donate some of his assets for public interest,” Wissanu said.

However, he said, no concrete decision has been made yet, adding that Prem’s passing was a loss for the country and the region, as he had done a lot of good work, especially in the security sector.

Prem, one of Thailand’s most influential political figures for over four decades who served as Army commander, prime minister and adviser to the Palace, died at age 98 on Sunday.

According to an unofficial count, Srinuan Boonlue won 75,891 votes in the re-election, which was held after the Election Commission suspended Surapon Kietchaiyakorn, a Pheu Thai candidate, for allegedly buying votes.

Surapon, who had won the most votes in the March 24 national election, denied the allegations.

Nares Thamrongtippayakun of Palang Pracharat on Sunday placed second with 27,781 votes.

Srinuan’s victory will add one more seat to her party’s 30 parliamentary seats. The unofficial calculation for the party-list members based on the win Srinuan’s winning would also reportedly result in both the Palang Pracharat and Democrat parties automatically gaining one additional party-list seat each.

A provincial EC branch will report the results of the Sunday vote to its headquarters today.

THE PASSING of statesman and former prime minister Prem Tinsulanonda was likely to bring about a new and more open political era, shifting away from “Thai-style” democracy and military domination, analysts said.

Prem, one of the country’s most influential political figures for more than four decades who served as Army commander, prime minister and adviser to the Royal Palace, died at age 98 yesterday.

After October 6, 1976, Prem was defined as “political influencer” and as one of the founders of “semi-democracy” in Thai politics, which has continued until current times as “Thai-style” democracy, Stithorn Thananithichot, a political scientist from King Prajadhipok’s Institute said.

Although during some periods, Thai politics was a true democracy, it reverted to a backward democracy, especially with the current Constitution, said the academic.

Without contesting a general election or joining a political party, Prem held the prime minister’s post with the backing of political parties from 1980 to 1988.

Prem left politics and later was appointed a privy councillor and a statesman in 1988 but his charisma and influence continued over Thai politics.

“He was a symbol. You can see why every prime minister and Armed Forces commander had to pay their respects to him on special occasions,” he added.

Stithorn referred to then-premier Thaksin Shinwatra, whose party Thai Rak Thai had won a majority of 375 MP seats in the 2005 election, deciding to dissolve the House in 2006 after a meeting with Prem. At that time, Thaksin was under siege from yellow-shirt protesters.

In his view, Prem was the person who served as the bridge or balance between the conservatives or the establishment and liberal democracy.

Titipol Phakdeewanich, dean of political science at Ubon Ratchathani University, said Prem’s influence and significant role in the military had helped society and people endorsed the role of military in Thai politics.

“Prem represented a ‘good general’. His charisma helped convince people to respect or believe in what he said,” Titipol said.

With Prem’s passing, from now on, military and junta chief and PM Prayut Chan-ocha would not have that endorsement any more and that could lessen their credibility, he added.

He said although the military now would be able to consolidate power in Parliament as the pro-junta bloc appears likely to form the next government, several processes leading to the progress of democracy are taking place as well.

“The military-linked government would be scrutinised as the opposition party is quite strong in Parliament, while people would be more open to new voices or the real philosophy of true democracy,” Titipol said.

However, Yuttaporn Issarachai, a political scientist at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University, sees no political implications for politics, as Prem’s connection, or the so-called “Look Pa” or Prem’s son, are currently not a major player in the society.

For example, the Democrat Party, the political party seen as closest to Prem and the main party that supported Prem during his premiership, is not a key player in politics anymore, the analyst said.

Analysts agreed that it would be difficult to find a man who has such charisma and respect to replace him and play his role. Yuttaporn said it is not easy in the modern era that a most influential person like the late prime minister would rise to fame and be as well-respected as him, as society now has diversity in power.

“Society has evolved. The new generation has its own ideology. I think the tradition of respecting or clinging to a sole senior person would be in gradual decline,” said Yuthaporn.

“It will be a long time for another person with the charisma and respect that Prem enjoyed to rise, if he did not appoint his successor,” Stithorn said.

If there is any concern during the transition period it could be the relationship inside the military, he added.

As in the past, Prem helped keep the balance of power and relationship of two big factions in the Royal Thai Armed Forces that have dominated the Army for several years. The two are the Burapha Payak royalist military faction – known as the “Eastern Tigers” that propelled junta chief General Prayut to power, and Wong Tewan, or military officers in the 11th Infantry Regiment King’s Guard, known as the “Raab 11”.

“I don’t know if Prayut or Prawit [Wongsuwan, defence minister] can balance the power. If not, a well-respected person like Prem might be needed,” he added.

Upon taking office in 1980, Prem played an important role in stabilising an economy reeling from surging oil prices, said Sakon Varanyuwattana, former dean of economics at Thammasat University.

Thailand was forced to devalue the baht, and at a time when it was also burdened with high public debt stemming from political and economic instability, Sakon said.

Somchai Jitsuchon of the Thailand Development Research Institute said Prem took office just as “risk and volatility were perhaps at their highest levels in Thai economic history”.

Rattled by domestic political turmoil amid the fall of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos to communist regimes, Thailand continued to suffer as several governments in succession fought with Thai communist insurgents. But then the discovery of natural-gas reserves in the Gulf of Thailand led to development of the Eastern Seaboard, which remains the country’s largest industrial hub. “In the second half of his premiership, Prem helped lay sound economic foundations and improved Thai global competitiveness significantly,” said Somchai.

Prem was well known for recruiting technocrats to work with him in reforming the economy and attracting foreign direct investment, both economists noted.

They included Sommai Hoontrakul as finance minister, Pisit Pakasem as secretary general of the National Economic and Social Development Board and respected economist Virabongsa Ramangkura as a close adviser. The economic foundation they established led to an influx of foreign investment and assured subsequent governments of high economic growth, Sakon said.

While Prem was premier from 1980-1988, the growth rate started to accelerate. GDP rose by 11 per cent in 1988, up from an average of 5.3 per cent in 1982-1986, noted Anusorn Tamajai, dean of economics at Rangsit University. The baht’s devaluation triggered a drop in imports and an increase in exports, helping balance trade overall. The trade deficit narrowed and Thailand enjoyed a surplus some years, Anusorn said. The Prem government demonstrated fiscal discipline, he believes.

The Plaza Accord Agreement of 1985, by which the US compelled Japan to appreciate the yen against the dollar, delivered to Thailand many Japanese manufacturers. Negotiations under the Uruguay Round of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade also contributed to increased international trade for Thailand in the latter years of Prem’s tenure. “Prem and his technocrats successfully pushed Thailand’s status among developing countries, giving it a high economic growth rate in their later years, but they focused on it too much, paying little attention to income inequality, which has become a big issue today,” said Anusorn.

Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha in his first turn as premier initiated the Eastern Economic Corridor scheme to introduce high-tech industries on top of the region’s existing petrochemical, electronics, machinery and auto sectors, whose roots date back to the Prem era.

The economists believe Prayut seems to be following Prem’s approach to economic management and development.

The vote for speaker showed that Phalang Pracharat had won over the key undecided parties – Democrat and Bhumjaithai – and was poised to lead the coalition.

But the next administration, which would need maximum votes in the lower house to move policies forward, could face hurdles at every step.

Though the lower house speaker and deputy speaker positions went to Phalang Pracharat-backed figures, giving it the upper hand in Parliament, the wins were narrow and indicated possible future swings.

Democrat Chuan Leekpai triumphed over Pheu Thai candidate Sompong Amornvivat by 23 votes (258-235). The figure suggests some defections in the anti-junta bloc.

But in the vote for the position of first deputy speaker, veteran politician Suchart Tancharoen defeated first-time MP Yaowalak Wongpraparat from the fledgling Future Forward Party by just two votes (248-246).

The second deputy speaker’s post went to Supachai Phosu, who secured 256 votes against 239 for Seri Ruamthai candidate Prasong Buranapong.

In such a tight situation, smaller parties that would back the Phalang Pracharat-led coalition are seen to have a significant leverage over the pro-junta party.

The Democrats and Bhumjaithai, who together have 103 MPs, look likely to gain a fair share of Cabinet portfolios.

The hiccup in the vote for speaker on Saturday could portend Phalang Pracharat’s fate in the lower house.

Suchart reportedly was to run for speaker, but Phalang Pracharat had to nominate Chuan at the last minute, leading to some discontent among pro-junta MPs.

Apparently, in a struggle to overcome internal disagreement, the pro-junta bloc motioned for postponement of the speaker’s election but failed when some pro-Suchart MPs voted against the move.

Aside from such internal challenges, it was also observed that the pro-junta camp would face strong opposition from Pheu Thai and Future Forward.

The elections of all speakers was expected to be completed in a single day, but the process dragged out to two full days, partly because the rival blocs locked horns and neither was prepared to give way.

Pro tem speaker Chai Chidchob had to adjourn the meeting a couple of times when they refused to back down.

Starting from when Phalang Pracharat attempted to postpone the election of the house speaker on Saturday, the two blocs debated for nearly two hours before Chai called a break.

Phalang Pracharat finally gave in and agreed that the chamber could vote to decide whether or not to defer the election.

The election on Saturday took more than eight hours and two other motions to elect the first and second deputy speakers were put off to yesterday.

Yesterday morning, Future Forward motioned for the candidates to give a “vision speech” before the vote, seeking to establish the credentials of its candidate, Yaowalak. But Chai, a highly experienced house speaker aligned with Phalang Pracharat, abruptly dismissed the proposal after the heated |atmosphere showed signs of worsening.

More wrangling followed, especially during the vote to choose the second deputy speaker. Pheu Thai MPs led by Cholnan Srikaew protested over ballots that bore an erroneous surname for the candidate. They also asked Chai to stop the referee from recording the vote count on video.

The MPs said the manner of the recording was suspicious and questioned whether the ballots had been marked to indicate the identities of the voters in order to secure “rewards” later on.

Chai disagreed with both motions despite heated debate and ordered the process to continue.

The elections yesterday also took more than eight hours.

PREM TINSULANONDA, president of the Privy Council and former premier, a statesmen widely regarded as the individual of greatest influence in Thai politics in recent memory, died yesterday of heart failure. He was 98.

Born in southern Songkhla province on August 26, 1920, to a bureaucrat father, Prem made good on his education to climb the social ladder.

He attended Maha Vajiravudh Songkhla, Suankularb Wittayalai and finally what became the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy. Excelling in his studies, Prem said in a memoir he dreamed of becoming a physician, but the cost of a medical education was too dear.

His military education, however, brought him high social status. Ultimately he was chief adviser to His Majesty King Bhumibol and served as regent following the monarch’s death until Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn was formally named successor.

As a soldier, Prem saw action in the Franco-Thai war, World War II and the battle against communist insurgents in the country. His rise to the military elite paved the way for his entry into politics.

When Admiral Sangad Chaloryu brought down a civilian Democrat government in a coup following the massacre of student protesters at Thammasat University on October 6, 1976, Prem said he was unwittingly aligned with the putsch.

He was Second Army Region Commander at the time, overseeing a strategic area where communist insurgents were active.

Prem was named deputy interior minister in the government of General Kriangsak Chomanan and later served as defence minister and Army chief. He succeeded Kriangsak as prime minister in March 1980, remaining in the office for eight years.

He never contested an election, having been invited to serve as premier by elected politicians. Supported by the military, his regime was dubbed a “quasi-democracy” with its elected component. Prem survived two |coup attempts and multiple no-confidence motions in the House of Representatives.

Prem’s tenure as PM ended with the 1988 election in which the Chat Thai Party emerged victorious and voters demanded that the premier’s job go to an elected MP. Chat Thai leader Chatichai Choonhavan got the nod, only to be ousted in the next military coup, in 1991.

In a Thai-style political compromise, Prem was named to the Privy Council in 1988. He became its president a decade later, cementing a long-established bond with the monarchy. His strong connections to the Palace and military helped ensure he remained an influential figure in politics until the end of his life.

Prem was taken to hospital yesterday morning after failing to rise at his usual time of 5am, according to a source close to him.

Doctors at Phramongkutklao Hospital spent three hours trying to resuscitate him, but he died at around 8am. General Prem’s royally sponsored bathing rite is scheduled for today at Wat Benchamabophit in Bangkok, his family announced.

He defeated Future Forward Party candidate Yaowalak Wongpraparat by 248 votes to 246.

Before the vote, Future Forward Party spokesperson Pannika Wanich proposed that both candidates outline their vision. However, Phalang Pracharat MPs raised objections.

Pro tem speaker Chai Chidchob dismissed the proposal, saying the regulations did not require candidates to do so before proceeding to call for the vote.

Ex-premier Chuan, the candidate proposed by the pro-junta Phalang Pracharat Party, secured 258 votes to 235 for Pheu Thai nominee Sompong Amornvivat. One MP abstained.

The election of the lower house speaker, the only item on the agenda at the first meeting of MPs, took more than eight hours after Phalang Pracharat proposed a postponement of the vote for unspecified reasons.

There were simmerings of discontent in the pro-junta camp after Phalang Pracharat reportedly wanted to field its MP, Suchart Tancharoen, for the post of speaker but the the bloc nominated Chuan at the last minute.

Pheu Thai MP Jirayut Huangsap objected to the proposal to put off the vote. A prolonged debate between the two blocs led to pro tem speaker Chai Chidchob, the most senior MP and former house speaker, adjourning the house.

After a two-hour break, the house voted on the first motion to decide whether or not to reschedule the election of speaker.

The anti-junta camp, comprising seven parties that had signed a pact earlier, voted against deferring the election.

Finally, the house voted 248 to 246 with two absentions to elect the speaker on Saturday. Some of the pro-Suchart MPs also voted against the postponement.

The Phalang Pracharat-led bloc tried to swing the vote in its favour but failed.

The house hence had to vote to choose between Democrat Chuan and Pheu Thai’s Sompong.

The House convened at 10.30am on Saturday to choose the House Speaker.

The most senior MP in the House, Chai Chidchob from the Bhumjathai Party, chaired the meeting.

However, the proposal was opposed by Phue Thai MPs who said they should not waste more time and budget on delaying the process.

The House debated the solution for more than an hour but did not decide on whether to delay voting.

Chai later ordered a break for the meeting to resume at 1pm.

It is expected that three candidates will be nominated on Saturday. They are Sompong Amornwiwat from Pheu Thai, Chuan Leekpai from Democrat Party and Suchat Tancharoen from Phalang Pracharat.

The Democrats nominated Chuan to see if any bloc between the pro-junta camp, led by Phalang Pracharat, or anti-junta, led by Pheu Thai, will vote for Chuan, a party source said.

The Democrat party has still not decided which side they would join but a source said: “If any bloc votes for Khun Chuan, you will know whom we will join [to form government].”

“All your actions will have a direct impact on national security as well as on the well-being of the people,” King Maha Vajiralongkorn said. “Thus, it is necessary that everyone cooperates in all missions with full capacity, prudence, and in good faith …”

The King also extended good wishes to those engaged in parliamentary work as well as to the newly elected MPs as well as the senators.

The state ceremony to open the parliamentary term following the March election took place at the Foreign Ministry. In addition to the members of the House of Representatives and Senate, the event was also attended by members of the current government, including Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha, and dozens of ambassadors.

Among the MPs was Future Forward Party leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, who had been suspended from duties the day before.

Dressed in official attire, Thanathorn attended the ceremony, as he still had the right to participate but not to vote after his suspension.

The suspension stemmed from a case involving the timing of Thanathorn’s holding of shares in a media company. The case is before the Constitutional Court, which will decide whether to remove him from office.

Anti-junta protesters gathered in front of Bangkok’s Art and Culture Centre to demonstrate over the legal action taken against Thanathorn.

Led by anti-junta figure Nuttaa Mahuttana, the protesters also vented their frustrations over other political issues, including the treatment of the anti-junta bloc that has gained significant numbers of MPs but may not be able to form a governing coalition.

The activists wore black to reflect their views on the state of Thai politics.

In a related development, the first Senate meeting also took place on Friday. The senators took their oaths of office and selected a speaker and two deputy speakers for the chamber.

Pornpetch Vichitcholchai had been the sole candidate for speaker. General Singhsuek Singhprai and Supachai Somcharoen had also been the sole candidates for the two deputy speaker positions.

Pornpetch was formerly president of the coup-installed National Legislative Assembly; Singhsuek was an NLA member and Supachai had been the president of the Election Commission.