And some observers wonder if the party’s successful introduction might be short-lived.

While the group and many supporters highlight its youthful energy as a strength – generated by its predominantly urban and young members – critics from both the left and right wings believe that Future Forward could have a difficult time reaching out to mass voters in rural areas.

Giles Ji Ungpakorn, a political critic living in exile, asked on the Turn-Left Thailand website whether the group had any concrete policies to present and expressed concern that it could not rely just on the image of being “young and progressive”.

The political scientist pointed to Italy’s Five Star Movement as well as several soi-disant “young blood” parties that emerged in Thailand after the October 14, 1973, student-led uprising. Those parties presented themselves as being different, left-leaning and belonging to the younger generation. But they later faded away after failing to deliver any meaningful policies.

“Will [Future Forward] turn out to be just like that? I hope not. But I’m not sure,” Giles wrote on the website.

He said several issues needed to be addressed, including abolishment of the lese majeste law, release of all political prisoners and a reduction of the military budget and its role in politics.

Disparity was another issue that Giles highlighted, while pointing out that the group’s leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit’s company, Thai Summit, had been unfriendly to a labour union, resulting in the termination of 260 employees in 2006.

Giles said he hoped to see the new party taking a role in leading movements over public agendas, and not just working in Parliament. He thought Future Forward might not be successful in the next election as it would take some time before it gained popularity.

Yuthaporn Issarachai, former dean of the Political Science Faculty at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University, said Future Forward has an interesting ideology and showed a broader horizon of political views, not being framed by the traditional politics restricted by Parliament.

While it is a progressive party, he noted that its founding members are mostly businessmen, academics, activists and urban young people, although most voters are in rural areas.

“In my view the party will only win votes from some groups of young progressive people,” he said. “And it should be noted that in the long run or in the next five years, a lot more parties like this one will emerge.”

Although Thanathorn has made it clear that Future Forward is not an alternative but aimed to be a core party in a future government, Attasit Pankaew, a political scientist from Thammasat University, thought the party had too little time to accomplish anything.

“If the election is to really take place in February next year, they will have roughly six months to get things done. It won’t be in time,” he said. “Plus, Thai politics relies mainly on a support base of voters. The group has to figure out how to build such a base.”

He added that the party would be too optimistic to think that it could go without relying on any former MPs or that it could change the nature of elections in Thailand for this election, but they might be able to in the future.

Ideology alone might not be enough either, the critic said. “We’ll have to see if the party has any policies to offer mass voters,” he added.

Bangladesh, Cambodia, Malaysia and Pakistan are set to hold elections this year. Indonesia and India are yet to announce elections due next year, while Thailand’s election, scheduled for February, is again not final.

“Whether we have the right to vote is top priority for us [in Thailand] now,” Kobsak Chutikul, secretary-general of Asian Peace and Reconciliation, told the international symposium on elections hosted by Asia News Network at a Bangkok hotel.

Panellists agreed that democracy and fundamental rights were under threat throughout Asia.

The election is no longer about exercising public will, but of powers-that-be using it to manipulate public will, said Mahfuz Anam, editor-in-chief of the Bangladesh newspaper The Daily Star.

“The people who are in power do not take elections as a measure of popularity, but being in power is about deceiving and manipulating public opinion,” he said.

Every country, including Bangladesh, is using state machinery – bureaucracy, intelligence, police and the judiciary – to manipulate public will, he said.

Democracy and the fundamental rights of the people are currently under pressure not only in Asia but all over the world, said Kingsley Abbott, senior legal adviser, Southeast Asia, of the International Commission of Justice.

The assault on human rights and the rule of law; the attack on freedom of expression as well as misuse of the law are happening widely in the region, he said.

Freedom of expression is being suppressed in many countries in the region, he said. Cambodia and Myanmar have arrested a number of journalists, he said.

In Thailand, it is unlawful for five or more people to gather for political purposes. This year alone, as of yesterday, the junta has charged more than 60 people for violations of military order, he said.

“Law is also misused,” he said. “Rather than simply violate human rights, states increasingly legislate to make violations [of human rights] lawful, such as the military order in Thailand that bans political gathering, which is a violation of fundamental rights, the right of expression and assembly.” Sedition and computer-related crime laws are being abused to violate rights in the entire region, Abbott said.

Kobsak suggested that people should not have high expectations in elections. “It is just the right of individual persons to go to vote. Like in South Asia, people just go to vote without high expectations whether or not the election could bring them good politicians into the government,” he said.

“I think we have to look beyond politicians. Behind them are the people and we have to let people have the opportunity to have a say,” he said.

Abbott called on all stakeholders, including journalists and lawyers as well as people who wish to see justice, to fight for democracy and human rights. Countries should prioritise discussion on human rights bilaterally and multilaterally. The United Nations must keep human rights up front, not just in words but through actions, he said.

“The Asean principle of non-interference should be dropped in favour of human rights and the rule of law for sustainable development. Civil society needed to be protected,” he said.

Abbott called for the Thai junta to lift all restrictions on fundamental rights and allow an election to take place soon.

Bhokin Bhalakula, a key Pheu Thai Party figure, worried that the junta’s grip on power would be maintained during the pre-election period, which could result in an unfair election process, including control of party campaigning.

“While there are laws and regulations, the question is how they would be interpreted and enforced,” the Thai politician and former deputy prime minister, said.

“So, it’s questionable whether this would bring about double standards. Rules can be deviated by people.”

His remarks could refer to the junta and the police enforcement of a series of laws, from the computer crime act to sedition to lese majeste, which have been used significantly against online commentators on subjects critical to the junta.

Thanathorn on Thursday requested permission from the Election Commission to form the party.

The auto-parts tycoon then held a press conference the same day under the close watch of the junta, as the ban on political assembly remains in force.

Watana wrote on Facebook that he congratulated the party for its pre-registration.

However, he also slammed the junta, citing what he said was an attempt to block new parties like Future Forward by continuing to press the ban on political activity, or by some sort of allegation of a stance critical to the monarchy.

Watana said he wanted to pass on his moral support to the party, which he hoped would help bring back people’s politics, while enabling more young bloods to enter politics and ending the junta’s rule.

Somyot, who is also chief of the Thai football association, resigned on Thursday as a member of the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) amid reports that he might enter the political fray in the next election.

Somyot on Friday did not deny rumours that he would join politics. “I know politics and politicians very well. I’m reliable. I love my clans and friends. I can get along well with every party but the right time [to decide] has yet to come,” he said.

“If I were a lady, I would be a beautiful woman who attracts many people, both old and new [parties],” he said.

Somyot said he had quit the NLA because he had to travel abroad often for international meetings as president of the Football Association of Thailand.

The former national police chief made headlines last month when he admitted to borrowing Bt300 million from a wanted brothel tycoon Kampol Wirathepsuporn.

Somyot was questioned by the Department of Special Investigation later about borrowing money from Kampol while in police office. Kampol, the owner of the notorious Victoria’s Secret Massage parlour, is now wanted for running large-scale brothels in the guise of massage parlours and is also suspected of being involved in at least 12 human-trafficking cases.

Somyot claimed he had already repaid Kampol through land and cash.

The former police chief said he and Kampol had been friends for a long time and also did some business together.

NACC secretary-general Worawit Sukboon said he had learned from officials that Prawit had submitted the letter to the NACC, meeting the deadline on the last day. The NACC needed to look into the details of the letter before proceeding with the issue, he said.

There were reports earlier that Prawit would seek more time for his explanation.

The NACC panel appointed to handle the issue was reportedly split over whether it should ask Prawit to give an explanation in person.

Some members of the panel thought this would help facilitate an investigation, as panel members could ask him what they wished to know and “finish the matter”. Other members reportedly argued the time was not right.

The issue has dragged on for months since it was first exposed last December. At that time, Prawit was seen wearing what appeared to be a silver-and-black Richard Mille watch and a diamond ring during a group photo when the reshuffled Cabinet was photographed at Government House.

Since then, people have examined other pictures and spotted up to 25 other expensive watches on his wrist on various occasions.

As a result, he has been accused of failing to report his assets to the NACC as required by law and of possessing “unusual wealth”.

After the issue was exposed online and in the media, the NACC launched an inquiry into the matter.

Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, a scion of the Thai Summit business family, and law academic Piyabutr Saengkanokkul yesterday launched the party at a “Drinking Coffee with Thanathorn and Friends” event, ostensibly named to circumvent the junta’s ban on political gatherings of five or more people.

They also submitted their application for registration of the new party to the Election Commission after the introductory event.

Thanathorn, Piyabutr and 24 others hailing from a cross-section of society co-founded the party with the aim of restoring faith in participatory democracy after Thailand has been bogged down in more than a decade of political crises and coups.

Promoting human rights as their key theme, they said they would not follow the patterns of old-fashioned politics with military people as key players and military-designed mechanisms. The party, after contesting in the next general election, will have to engage in the parliamentary process stipulated in the junta-written 2017 charter, which provides for a junta-handpicked Upper House and complex voting systems that will pose stiff challenges for contesting parties.

Thanathorn pledged that the party’s MPs would not take part in the “undemocratic” process of selecting an “outsider PM” with appointed senators.

Thanathorn and Piyabutr said they did not want to defy the junta’s political ban, but did not elaborate on their political plans for the upcoming election, now scheduled for February next year. The 39-year-old tycoon said he did not agree with the ban and called for it to be lifted to allow all parties to get started and reach out to people during the pre-election period.

Hyped in social media as a “new hope”, the party is made up mostly of members from progressive backgrounds. Thanathorn was once a student activist who joined protests with grassroots people before turning into the tech-savvy vice executive chairman of Thai Summit Group.

Piyabutr was well known as a member of the academic group Nitirat that has opposed Article 112 of the Criminal Code banning lese majeste, which the group believes has been misused with political motives.

Piyabutr said his stance on Article 112 remained the same but it did not mean it would be co-opted in the agenda of Future Forward Party. “Democracy is the key theme of our party. Any policy will have to be based on consensus,” he said.

Other members of the party include the former director of Amnesty Thailand, Chamnan Chanruang; education academic Kunthida Rungruengkiat; disabilities rights activist Nalatporn Krairerk; and print labour union president Surin Khamsuk.

They said they were unable to announce their policies yet due to the junta’s ban, but added that the focus would be on the lost benefits of social minorities and disadvantaged people.

“I wish that people of all sexes, genders and ideologies can be viewed equally as humans,” said Nalatporn. “Disabilities might have been seen as burden but I believe we can push for more beneficial policies through a party system.”

Meanwhile, Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva said new parties like Thanathorn’s would force his own party to work harder in responding to the people’s needs.

Pavin Chachavalpongpun, an exiled professor and prominent junta critic, described Thanathorn as “a breath of fresh air”.

“This guy has no political baggage. He has no corruption cases … It is a long time since we have had anything like this come along,” Pavin was quoted as saying by AFP.

Former Bangkok MP Phonphum Wiphatphumiprathet said young politicians were willing to “revolutionise” the old system and make the present politics better, while those from the old politics were viewed as corrupt and dishonest.

The MP election bill, meanwhile, will not undergo the same process despite a dispute over whether to deprive people who fail to vote of the right to hold political offices. Legislators have said they are worried the election could be further delayed if the MP election bill were challenged.

Meanwhile, various authorities said the road map to the election, which is currently scheduled for February next year, remained unaffected, while politicians said they were losing hope that the election would be held as promised.

The development came after CDC chairman Meechai Ruchupan expressed concerns over the constitutionality of the two bills, which are the last two organic laws necessary for the election, and urged the NLA to seek the Constitutional Court’s judgement before problems occurred.

The NLA concluded during its approval of the Senate bill last week that the senators could be independent or from professional associations.

The CDC expressed a different view, insisting the point was not in line with the Constitution, which stipulated independent candidates.

After discussions among some NLA members yesterday, it was decided to forward the Senate bill to the court. It remained unclear yesterday what specific issue the NLA would ask the court to address.

The charter requires one-tenth of the NLA to agree to bring the matter to the Court. Somchai said there should be at least 41 legislators signing the petition today.

Somchai Sawangkarn, a member of the law review joint committee and NLA whip, said yesterday legislators might seek a court ruling on issues different from that which concerned Meechai. Despite the petition, Somchai said the road map would not be affected.

“The Constitutional Court usually takes about three months to consider a case. And because the enforcement of the MP law has been put off by 90 days, too, we decide to only submit the Senate law,” he said.

CDC spokesman Chartchai Na Chiangmai concurred that the 90-day gap provided by the MP election law had made a Constitutional Court judgement possible without further delaying the poll.

Meanwhile, critics said they viewed the move as “another conspiracy” to delay the poll. The much-anticipated election has already been delayed several times due to complications in the legislative process.

Nipit Intrasombat, a deputy leader of Democrat Party, said he did not expect the election to take place early next year. It did not make sense that the NLA would now express doubts about the bills that they had approved themselves, he said.

“It’s hard to look at it another way. This is their work. If there’s anything wrong, they should have known,” the veteran politician said. “They should not have let it go this far before deciding it’s unconstitutional.”

In a related development, the amendments of laws concerning the election of local administrations could be expected to be completed next month, according to Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam.

Wissanu said he had already asked the Council of State, which is responsible for the amendment, to work as quickly as possible.

Local elections are another determining factor ahead of the general election. Authorities have said they should take place before the national polls, while critics have said the general election could only take shape after local polls.

The 36-year-old academic from Thammasat University’s Faculty of Law was a member of the Nitirat group, an association of progressive law academics known for their activism against Article 112 of the Criminal Code or the lèse majesté law. The group was active from 2010-13 after the 2006 coup.

During the launch of the Future Forward Party on Thursday, Piyabutr explained that his stance against the law was aimed at seeking the elimination of laws that could be used to destroy rivals.

He admitted that he could not guarantee whether his idea would be advocated by his new party because policy decisions would be made by a resolution of party members.

The Future Forward Party officially launched on Thursday under the leadership of young, auto-parts industry tycoon Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, and Piyabutr, with a clear agenda to promote a non-military, participatory democracy.

Chamnan Chanruang, one of the party’s 26 founders, said the background colour orange suggested freshness and the angled “spearhead” pointed to a new direction.

Another founder said the orange was meant to symbolise “fresh people power”.

The party’s public relations staff offered an “official” explanation of the logo, referring to a “forward button and a spearhead”.

“The logo suggests the future path and hope. All people will have new hope. The orange colour means the dawn of the new day, when people wake up with hope for a better life and future.”

Two key leaders – pro-democracy billionaire Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit and law academic Piyabutr Saengkanokkul – said the party’s platform was built on the willpower and determination of the younger generation and ordinary citizens who want to move the country forward, avoid prolonged political conflicts and restore democratic

The commander of the 11th Infantry Regiment King’s Guard, Maj-General Songwit Noonpakdee, the son of the late former Army chief General Isarapong Noonpakdee, who played a role in the 1991 coup, will serve as commander of the 1st Division King’s Guard, while the deputy commander of 2nd Infantry Regiment, Colonel Vorayuth Kaewwiboonpan, who was promoted to the rank of major-general, has been designated as Songwit’s successor.

First Army Region deputy chief Maj-General Wutthichai Nakwanich, the younger brother of Privy Councillor and retired Army chief General Theerachai Nakwanich, has been promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general and will serve as the Army’s senior adviser.

Army chief General Chalermchai Sitthisart also has advocated that 1st Special Warfare Division commander Maj-General Phumipat Chansawang will become Special Warfare Command deputy chief, reportedly in order to assume command of the branch by year’s end. The new appointments will be effective as of April 1.

The reshuffle is referred to as “mid-year” given that it’s the middle of the fiscal year.