Prayut said he would still keep his promise and that everything would continue to follow the administration’s roadmap.

“I promise the same, and nothing has changed,” the PM insisted after delivering a speech at the 60th-anniversary celebration of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School.

Some groups are still trying to steer things back to where they were when the junta took power, so people have to choose whether they prefer that path or his way, he said.

However, the premier declined to say whether the National Legislative Assembly’s decision to defer implementation of the MP election bill would be the final delay before the general election, stating that it was not him that had caused the latest postponement.

So, there is “no before or after the election”, as he has done nothing to change things, he stressed, while calling on the media not to let people convince themselves that “a situation” had been created.

The premier also said he did not know whether the pre-election period would end in February next year, as it depended on the legal process regarding the organic laws.

He could not confirm a final call on an election date, as he was not able force proceedings through the legal process, he said.

The legal process, he added, had not yet ended as a joint law-review committee would be set up if differences were raised by those considering the legality of the MP election bill.

The junta’s mission would be completed in line with the timescale under the roadmap, he explained.

Unfinished business meant that everything must be for the benefit of all Thais and serve the country, not just the junta, he said.

The court argued that there were insufficient facts to conclude that the administrative order had been unlawful. The court needed to see more evidence from the trial of the case brought by Yingluck, it said in a statement released Monday.

“With some factors to support the injunction missing, the court has no power to order an injunction during the trial,” the court said.

In October 2016, the Finance Ministry issued an administrative order for Yingluck to pay compensation of Bt35 billion to the ministry for damages allegedly stemming from the expensive, corruption-plagued, rice-pledging project. Yingluck was held responsible for damages in her capacity as head of the government and chairperson of the National Rice Policy Committee.

Yingluck later sued Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, the finance minister, his deputy and the Finance Ministry permanent secretary, alleging that the administrative order was unlawful. She also asked the Administrative Court to grant an injunction until a verdict is issued in her case.

In April 2017, the Administrative Court rejected Yingluck’s first request for an injunction, on the grounds that the Finance Ministry’s administrative order had not actually been implemented. Yingluck later made a second request for a court injunction after her bank accounts were frozen by authorities.

Yingluck’s lawyer, Noppadon Laothong, on Monday said the legal team would now focus on the case filed by the former prime minister against Prayut and others, but would point out that the administrative order was unlawful.

He said authorities had frozen 12 to 13 bank accounts and filed a lien against a house belonging to Yingluck.

Other members of Yingluck’s Cabinet have also faced similar administrative orders for them to pay compensation allegedly arising from the rice-pledging scheme, including former commerce minister Boonsong Teriyapirom, who was ordered to pay Bt1.76 billion in compensation, and his former deputy Poom Sarapol, who was ordered to pay Bt2.24 billion.

Both Boonsong and Poom are serving lengthy jail terms after the Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Political Office Holders found them guilty of committing irregularities stemming from the rice-pledging scheme.

The charter stipulates that the election must be held within 150 days after the enforcement of the related laws, so the extension of the enforcement of the MP election bill was to give parties enough time to complete what was required before moving ahead to the election, Pornpetch said.

If they had not been given the extra time, that might be used an excuse to waive primary voting within parties, which is expected to pave the way for more democratic and participatory politics.

Pornpetch declined to comment on the Constitution Drafting Commission’s comments against the changes to the grouping of Senate candidates by the NLA’s law-vetting committee.

He said the committee told him that there would not be a problem of collusion or fraud under the changes.

The CDC proposed the grouping of candidates into 20 professional guilds, but the NLA cut the number of groups down to 10.

He said on Monday no foreign investors had asked about the delay and most remain confident about expanding their investments in the country.

Government spokesperson Lt Gen Sansern Kaewkamnerd said on Monday that too much had been made of the suggestion the election could be postponed by 90 days.

“What’s the matter, really, those 90 days?” he asked.

Such a delay would not make much difference, he said, and the government was not hanging on to power or trying to find any excuse not to abide by the law.

Moreover, Sansern said a decision on whether to postpone the election did not depend solely on the government. Related laws also needed to be pursued.

He insisted that the government listened to all comments and acknowledged them. It had not been influenced by adverse polls, he said, adding that polls were produced by various institutions and sometimes produced different results.

THE SCANDAL involving luxury watches and rings that is dogging the prime minister’s right-hand man, which has already hit the government’s popularity, yesterday caused the chief of a leading polling office to resign on the grounds that his academic freedom was not being honoured.

Arnond Sakworawich, chief of the polling office under the National Institute of Development Administration (Nida), did not identify what poll topic had pushed him to quit, but Nida’s president, Associate Professor Pradit Wanarat, said Arnond’s latest poll had been about people’s opinions regarding Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan’s luxury watches and rings.

“The scandal is under the scrutiny of the National Anti-Corruption Committee [NACC], therefore any opinions on it could possibly be considered as leading for society,” Pradit said, defending a decision to withhold the release of the poll’s results.

Arnond, who is a lecturer on business analytics and intelligence at the School of Applied Statistics, had just been appointed to lead the Nida polling office.

He wrote yesterday on Facebook that he had decided to quit with immediate effect. “For me, academic freedom and being respected are the most important values. Even before I had a position, I always stood in society on the side of what is right.”

He added that he had supported the coup and government but if there were wrongdoing or injustice “I don’t have lick their [the military’s] boots”.

Arnond said as an academic and Nida’s poll director, he had to stand up to reflect public opinion openly based on scientific evidence, with honesty and bravery. “If I cannot do so, I have no reason to hold the position. I will never betray the people and righteousness,” Arnond wrote.

The poll this week reportedly was titled “The luxurious watches were borrowed: Just distortion or the reality?”, in which 85 per cent of respondents did not believe Prawit’s claims that he had borrowed the expensive wristwatches from friends.

Prawit, who is also defence minister, has been Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha’s right-hand man as they are both from the Chulachomklao Military Academy. Prawit has held his positions throughout Prayut’s premiership, surviving at least five Cabinet reshuffles.

Recently he has been spotted wearing many luxurious wristwatches, some of them believed to be worth many millions of baht. The NACC has launched an investigation into his possession of the items, which were not included in his public declaration of assets.

Prawit has already submitted an explanation to the NACC, but the body declined to reveal the details of his account. However, a series of news reports released to the public indicated that the explanation claimed a now-deceased friend had lent him the watches.

An NACC member last week hinted that Prawit would be cleared of failing to declare the watches if the report that the watches were borrowed was found to be true.

Associate Professor Phichai Ratanatilaka Na Bhuket, vice dean of Nida’s School of Social Development and Environment, also confirmed on his Facebook page that Arnond’s resignation was because the institute’s administration had suspended the release of the poll results. “That is the end of freedom in academic work, if any administrators have similar ways of thinking as Nida’s president [Pradit],” he added.

Meanwhile, Pradit told The Nation that he had stopped the release of the poll results because the issue was under investigation by the NACC and the poll had not been appropriate because it was directed at an individual.

He said he has not yet talked with Arnond but planned to discuss the issue with him today. He added that Nida always prioritised freedom in its polling, but on the condition that the results of polls did not “lead” public opinion on issues.

“A poll can only be done when an investigation ends,” said Pradit, who is also a member of the appointed National Legislative Assembly (NLA).

Meanwhile, General Akanit Muensawat, another NLA member, shrugged off a demand by activist Sirawit Seritiwat, who called for the NLA to launch a censure debate on the government, particularly regarding Prawit’s watch scandal.

Akanit quoted Prayut as saying the matter was Prawit’s “personal affair”, while according to the Constitution, issues in censure debates had to have consequences for the public and influence policy. The NACC has stated that the inquiry into Prawit’s alleged wrongdoing would end next month.

Nida has been a leading pollster in Thailand but has also been criticised sometimes for apparently supporting Prayut’s government. However, the latest poll released on Friday reported that 76.32 per cent of respondents believed the government and National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) were guilty of irregularities.

Asked whether the government and NCPO had intervened in the NACC’s work, 61.04 per cent of respondents said there had been interference, while 28.72 per cent disagreed.

The bill sailed through the NLA on Friday evening with 197 votes for, no votes against, and seven abstentions. The bill will be enforced after promulgation without further delay. Legislators made a major change to the bill by cutting the number of groups in the Senate from 20 to 10.

Constitution Drafting Commission (CDC) member Chartchai Na Chiangmai argued against the move. The number 20 had been concluded from a public survey, he said and the bigger number guaranteed that there was a greater diversity among members in the Senate.

NLA member Somchai Sawangkarn, however, claimed that the higher the number of groups, the fewer the number of members and the higher the risk of block voting.

It could open the way for political groups to interfere more easily, he argued. The CDC, which drafted the bill, had deliberately designed the Senate to consist of professional guilds in order to keep political influence away from the Upper House and make it truly representative of the people.

Somchai said that unless the number of groups was reduced, it was very likely that the Senate would not be independent as hoped. Eventually, the NLA endorsed the change with 166 to 35 votes and five abstentions. The vote came despite fierce criticism of the groupings.

For instance, women, people with special needs and the elderly were put into the same group, raising the question of whether this was in itself discrimination. The NLA also agreed that members of the future Senate would be selected from two major sources.

Half would be independent candidates and the other half would represent professional associations. CDC member Udom Rathamarit cautioned against the move, saying it was beyond what the Constitution allowed. Other major changes were with the selection process: the CDC had previously declared that the Senate should be cross-selected among the groups to minimise the risk of manipulation.

But the NLA decided that representatives would be elected by members from within their group. The application fee has also been increased twice, from Bt2,500 to Bt5,000.

The NLA itself is composed of people hand-picked by the junta.

After its passage, the bill will be submitted to related agencies for review. If they disagree, a joint committee will be set up to revise the bill. If the agencies do not raise any issue, then the bill will be sent to the prime minister to seek royal endorsement.

+++++++++++++++++++++

The chosen ones

1. Public administration and security: former public servants, officials and others

2. Law and justice: former judges, public attorneys and other legal professionals

3. Education and public health: former teachers, lecturers, researchers, doctors, nurses, pharmacists and others

4. Agriculture: farmers, stock raisers, fishermen and others

5. Non-government employees: blue- and white-collar workers, freelancers and others

6. Environment, real estate, public utility, science, media, energy and others

7. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs)

8. Women, the elderly, people with special needs, ethnic groups

9. Arts and culture

10. Other

The activists made the threat during a demonstration yesterday at the Pathumwan intersection against the regime’s latest move to put off the promised election by a further three months.

The group’s leading figure, Rangsiman Rome, vowed to continue fighting and said he would bring hundreds of thousands of people to protest on Ratchadamnoen Road until an election this year is secured.

He said that by February 10, the junta must respond to the group’s demand, announce a clear plan for the election and drop charges against activists, or they would march at the Democracy Monument.

Ratchadamnoen, where the Democracy Monument is located, is significant as the main site of pro-democracy demonstrations in the past.

Another activist, Siriwith Serithiwat, slammed the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) for repeatedly breaking its promises about an election date.

“[Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha] has said ‘next year’ since 2014. Now it is 2018 and, with the new year just started, they have delayed the election again by three months,” said Siriwith.

Anon Nampa urged more people to come out and demonstrate against the junta. If not, it was impossible that the junta would keep its promise regarding the election, said Anon.

The activity titled “People Want the Election” was held yesterday evening at the skywalk above the Pathumwan intersection. It was attended by at least 100 people.

The participants said that they wanted the NCPO out and an election to be held this year.

They were observed closely by at least 50 police officers. The police allowed the group to carry out their activity from 5.30pm to 7pm.

Junta leader General Prawit Wongsuwan, who serves as deputy premier and defence minister, was also extensively criticised at the demonstration over the scandal involving his possession of luxury watches.

Ekachai Hongkanwan, a solo anti-junta activist, held up a banner showing Prawit’s watch collection and said he would try to see Prawit and give him a reasonably priced watch so he did not have to borrow watches from his friends and get into trouble.

Ekachai has tried this several times without success, as he has been blocked by military officers.

The group also read a statement against the regime’s alleged unfair treatment of the activists involved in the “We Walk” movement that has addressed policy issues such as healthcare and food security. The group demanded that the regime stop harassing the activists and let them conduct their walk to Khon Kaen in peace.

The pro-democracy group also said they would go to walk at Lumpini Park today at 5pm in solidarity with the “We Walk” group.

The speculation stems from two separate assumptions – that the Democrats and the Pheu Thai Party may join forces to prevent the junta’s return to power, and that the Democrats need a new leader to boost their chances of winning the election.

The first assumption responds to a growing belief that the ruling junta is attempting to extend its stay in power through returning General Prayut Chan-o-cha as a non-elected prime minister, if he could garner sufficient support from the junta-appointed Senate and pro-junta political parties.

The second assumption responds to the Democrats’ repeated election losses under the current party leader, Abhisit Vejjajiva, who has been at the party’s helm since March 2005 with strong support from his mentor Chuan. The Democrats last won a general election in 1992 under Chuan’s leadership. And many people, including some party colleagues, believe that only his comeback as the party’s leader could improve their chances of beating Pheu Thai in the election. But Chuan recently said there was only a small likelihood that he would return to the leadership, although he would not completely rule it out.

Two-time former prime minister Chuan, who turns 80 in July, served as the Democrat leader for more than 12 years from 1991 to 2003. During that period, he became prime minister twice – 1992 to 1995, and 1997 to 2001.

Both Pheu Thai and Democrat parties – the country’s largest political umbrellas – seem to be taking advantage of the speculation of a possible alliance after the next election. Such speculation certainly has undermined a possible alliance between the Democrats and the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), while also having boosted the Democrats’ bargaining power and image as a “democracy champion”. It certainly looks better for the Democrats to join hands with elected civilians than military “dictators”.

However, due to their bitter rivalry in recent years, Pheu Thai is unlikely to work with the Democrat Party under Abhisit’s leadership. Chuan is a “more acceptable candidate” as government head if both parties were to form a coalition after the election. If results of the previous elections are any indication, the Pheu Thai and Democrat parties are expected to come first and second in the next national poll. And either of them could end up leading lead a coalition government after the vote, depending on how other parties fare.

But it will be a little different this time. There will be three major factions after the next election – Pheu Thai, Democrat and smaller parties that support General Prayut, the incumbent prime minister and NCPO chief.

Political observers believe an alliance between any two groups could form a new coalition government. Pheu Thai is more likely to choose the Democrats over a pro-Prayut faction. But the Democrats are more inclined to favour pro-Prayut parties if they have to choose, according to some party sources.

Only a landslide victory can help Pheu Thai form the next government without having to rely on the Democrats. And that is a post-election possibility in the view of many politicians, even those from rival parties.

Responding to speculation that Chuan may make a comeback as the Democrat leader, deputy party chief Ong-art Klampaiboon said there have been no signs of possible changes at the top. He said Abhisit still enjoys support from many party members and that the current leader is determined to head the party ticket going into the next election battle.

But the term of Abhisit and other party executives ends this April. And Chuan is not alone as a likely candidate to contest the Democrat leadership. Others include current deputy leaders Jurin Laksanawisit, Korn Chatikavanij and Apirak Kosayodhin.

Anti-graft campaigner Veera Somkwamkid and law lecturer Ekachai Chainuvati said the law prohibited recipients of gifts or other benefits that were worth more than Bt3,000.

Violations of the law is punishable by up to a Bt60,000 fine and three years in jail, or both, in addition to a ban from politics, Ekachai said.

He said this violation had already occurred, given that Prawit, who is also Defence Minister, had already been seen wearing watches that he claimed had been lent to him by friends. Returning the watches to their owners could not possibly reverse the consequences of the law, Ekachai added.

Veera stressed that Prawit’s choice of watches was no private matter. As he is a minister, asset declaration and scrutiny were “part of the package”, the graft-buster said.

“I don’t think Prawit will survive this much pressure,” he said. “If he does survive, it means that he is prioritised above the country.”

The comment was made in a political seminar called “The People’s Time and Corruption 4.0”.

Prawit has been extensively criticised over the scandal involving fancy watches worth millions of baht.

Long-time graft-fighter Veera slammed the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) for allegedly being biased in the case.

The agency’s secretary-general, Worawit Sukboon, has said that Prawit was not obliged to declare his possession of the watches unless they truly belonged to him. But the official has refused to disclose crucial details in the case.

Veera said the NACC could have revealed whether it would pursue Prawit for his possibly suspicious wealth and for possible misconduct regarding the ban on the receipt of gifts.

But, Ekachai added, Worawit’s remark could have pointed out a loophole for Prawit to exploit.

Ekachai also said the NACC should not have any trouble reporting progress on the case. The NACC law laid out such that such a transparent act was advisable.

Another pro-democracy activist on the panel, Siriwith Serithiwat, said society faced a double standard when it came to corruption. Although corruption was addressed as a pressing issue, scrutiny and punishment of corruption cases had always been discriminatory, he said.

Since 1997, the target for corruption cases had always been former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, he said, and fraud accusations had become a political tool to destroy the Shinawatra camp.

“When we have this watch issue, now people say, ‘Prawit has done so much for the country, the watches are so trivial, just let him be’,” Siriwith said.

The activist said he had no problem with strict measures against the Shinawatras but he wanted equal treatment for all corrupt people.

“I have no problem about investigating the fraud in the [Yingluck Shinawatra government’s] rice-pledging scheme. But you should do the same to other issues, like the watches or the [corruption claims surrounding contracts for] Rajabhakti Park, too,” the activist added.

The seminar attracted about 50 people. It included a small exhibition showing Prawit’s entire watch collection and participants were invited to vote for their favourite one.

The event was observed by at least 20 policemen, including some in plain clothes.