She said the government’s order for her to pay Bt35.7 billion compensation was unfair.
Her remark came after she received an administrative order signed by Deputy Finance Minister Wusudhi Srisuphan on Thursday, instructing her to pay the compensation to the ministry within 30 days.
If she refuse to pay, she can file a petition against the order with the Administrative Court within 90 days after acknowledging the order.

Thai politics, too, is currently in a frozen state. The question now is whether the junta’s road map to democracy will be impacted and whether the election will go ahead as promised.
Up until last Thursday, the clock was ticking and the country was entering the final phase of the road map. Before we heard the news that everyone was dreading, it seemed certain that a general election would take place no later than the first quarter of 2018.
The process for the return to civilian rule was enshrined in the interim constitution of 2007. Then came a draft charter written by the Constitution Drafting Commission and endorsed by a popular vote in the referendum before being revised in accordance with the Constitutional Court’s advice. One of the final steps left is for the prime minister to seek Royal endorsement for the supreme law, which had been due to happen within the next three weeks.
It had been speculated that the constitution would receive Royal endorsement and then be promulgated next month. But after the terrible rupture suffered by the nation seven days’ ago, nobody can be sure what the future holds for the country’s 20th constitution.
Everyone shares an understanding
that politics should be on hold as a mark
of respect during this early period of
national mourning.
No one is pressuring the authorities to push through the new charter’s adoption.
But at the same time, the public expects this vital step towards a return to normal governance to be taken soon. Without it, the path towards fresh elections is darkened. Failure to promulgate the new charter would also be unconstitutional.
Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam is adamant, however, that the government will submit the supreme law for Royal endorsement by November 9, in accordance with guidelines in the interim Constitution.
The problem lies in the next step.
The interim charter stipulates that if the King does not approve it, or if he does not act within 90 days, the charter should be nullified.
But with the entire nation in deep grief, the way forward here is not clear.
If no Royal endorsement is granted within the constitutional timeframe, the constitution draft would be rendered null. The question is, will the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration allow such a fate to befall a charter that took months to write and has been given the people’s approval in a national vote. The junta cannot afford to sit back and let all that effort come to nothing.
So what should the next step be? Many observers believe Article 44 could be used to extend the timeframe and thus resolve the problem at hand. But others caution that using the special provision for absolute power to change the essence of the interim charter would set a dangerous precedent.
Another option would be to amend the interim constitution. This is viable for the government and is probably the best option now.
However, the possibility of allowing this constitution to slip away and then beginning work on a new draft can’t be ruled out, though it would be the least favoured option for the current regime.
Of course, these are merely possible ways forward in case there is difficulty in promulgating the new constitution. They would be rendered unnecessary if the new constitution receives Royal endorsement. Prime Minister Prayut has announced that the new King will endorse the charter within the deadline set by the interim charter.
But the country nevertheless remains at a crossroads. Only time will tell what the future holds for this constitution, and whether it finally becomes the supreme law or remains merely a draft document.

WITH PREPARATIONS underway for the succession to the throne and royal cremation, authorities are making maximum efforts to prepare for the hundreds of thousands of mourners who plan to pay their respects to His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej at the Grand Palace and Sanam Luang.
Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha yesterday visited the operations command centre at Sanam Luang. He told officers to provide special care to children, the elderly and disabled, as well as people who lose their way and other special cases.
Prayut said he was content with the overall management, as were many visitors to the area. The number of black-clad mourners has continued to increase.
Authorities have not yet announced plans for the upcoming long weekend from Saturday to Monday, when hundreds of thousands of people are expected to enter the Grand Palace compound.
They have updated national police chief Pol General Chaktip Chaijinda about the operational plans. Police officers have been assigned to ensure public safety around the Grand Palace. Public can direct questions about transportation to the Grand Palace to hotline numbers 1197, 191, and 1111.
The Metropolitan Police Bureau would arrange vans to provide free transportation from Victory Monument, MBK Centre and Wong Wian Yai from 8am to 4pm, the police chief said. The Marine Police Division has prepared passenger boats to provide transportation since yesterday.
The Police General Hospital has arranged mobile medical services in the vicinity of the Grand Palace. It has already assisted more than 40,000 people.
The Army has assigned psychological operations units to explain guidelines to people in the Sanam Luang area, according to Army deputy spokesperson Colonel Sirichan Ngathong.
The First Army Area and the Quartermaster Department has arranged two water trucks and four food trucks, which are expected to prepare 8,000 meals per day to serve visitors in front of Thammasat University’s Tha Prachan campus.
Another food and medical unit will be available in front of the Territorial Defence Command on Charoen Krung Road to serve up to 1,000 people from 8am to 10pm. Parking lots will be able to accommodate up to 100 cars starting at 4pm until next Thursday.
The BMA, meanwhile, has arranged four shuttle buses, two trams and two double-decker London-style buses to provide transportation to Sanam Luang from Suan Santiporn Park, Democracy Monument, Phan Fa, Sky High restaurant, City Pillar Shrine, the Suan Chao Chet building, the World War I Monument and the Tourism Department. The Interior Ministry is preparing logistical facilities starting on October 28, when the late King’s royal urn will be displayed for public homage at Dusit Maha Prasat Hall.
According to Interior Minister General Anupong Paochinda, the ministry will cooperate with police in organising public transportation in provincial areas. The ministry will also prepare government buildings, temples and tents for people to rest in the Bangkok metropolitan area.

Steps to the throne
Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam said he had instructed the Foreign Ministry to clarify the procedures on the succession to the throne to clear up confusion in minds of the public and the international community. The ministry would make clear that the succession and cremation involve three steps, he said. Step one would be the succession to the throne, which would happen soon. Step two would be the royal cremation, which would take place within a year. Step three would be the coronation of the heir to the throne, which would take place within a specified period after the cremation.

Given that status, the quality of life of Thai farmers is significantly linked to the country’s fortunes.
But for decades, millions of hardscrabble Thai farmers found little relief from faulty state policies which pushed them towards mass production for export, high dependency on market prices and a resulting vulnerability to external shocks.
It wasn’t until the 1970s that they finally saw a ray of hope.
During that period, His Majesty the King introduced the country to a new way of thinking founded on moderation, rationality and self-immunity. It has since come to be known as the philosophy of sufficiency economy.
Speaking on the occasion of his birthday in 1974, he said:
“Whatever people say about Thai people does not matter. They may say Thailand is out of date, not modern, but if Thai people have a ‘modestly sufficient’ life and a wish to continue that way of life, and the country is in peace with this way of life, it may not be called ‘rich’ when compared with other countries, but it can be called ‘prosperous’.”
Farmers were introduced to what was dubbed “self-reliance farming”, under which they were advised to move away from mass or mono-cropping and diversify to reduce their dependence on external markets and risks.
The philosophy gained momentum in the late 1990s, when the country was hit by the financial crisis. Along with the three key principles of moderation, rationality and self-immunity, sufficiency economy thinking involves equipping yourself with knowledge and, more importantly, morality.
Simply put, Thais at that time were encouraged to take a middle path, as enshrined in Buddhist teaching, so that their lives would be neither too strict and stressful nor too loose and undisciplined.
That philosophy has since gained ground among the populace. It has also been acknowledged internationally, with the United Nations Development Programme awarding its inaugural Human Development Lifetime Achievement Award to His Majesty for his extraordinary contribution to human development.
For poor farmers, the ray of hope that appeared in the 1970s has brightened further into the New Theory of Agriculture, guided by sufficiency philosophy.
Under this theory, farmers are guided step by step towards a modest and self-sufficient agricultural lifestyle.
They are first encouraged to self-reliance through dividing their farm plots according to different functions, including irrigation, gardening, rice growing and residential.
Able to feed themselves, they then can move forward into individual and group commercialisation, which in turn can help strengthen their communities and society at large.
This year marks the 20th anniversary of the theory’s practice. It has been proven to help strengthen individual’s resilience, helping them to stand on their own feet. More importantly, it has laid foundations of morality on which to build lives, making it different from other modern doctrines.
With that element in place, an individual’s inner self is nurtured with love and care, which in turn is naturally shared with those around them.
The benefits of this philosophy are proven, and it’s now time that it was adopted more widely and seriously for the sake of stability and peace across the whole nation.
For this legacy he has left the Thai people, there are no more fitting words of gratitude than “Long Live the King”.

Click: The Road to a Sustainable Life

THE NEW KING will be the one to endorse the new constitution before it comes into force in accordance with the government’s planned “road map towards democracy”, Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha said yesterday.
“It is resolved now that once the mourning ceremonies have passed a period of seven or 15 days, it should be appropriate to follow the [2007 charter’s] Article 23,” Prayut said after a Cabinet meeting yesterday.
Article 23 specifies: “[I]n the case where the Throne becomes vacant and the King has already appointed His Heir to the Throne under the Palace Law on Succession, BE 2467, the Council of Ministers shall notify the President of the National Assembly. The President of the National Assembly shall then convoke the National Assembly for the acknowledgement thereof and shall invite such Heir to ascend the Throne and proclaim such Heir King.”
Prayut said: “Please do not cast doubts on the succession to the throne. It will follow the |charter, palace law and customs. Our road map will also certainly be unaffected.”
The premier’s remarks, together with the road map’s requirement that the charter draft be promulgated within a few months, suggested the possible period when the new king will be crowned.
Constitution drafter chief Meechai Ruchuphan submitted the final draft of the charter to the Cabinet on October 11, while the prime minister had 30 days to consider before seeking Royal endorsement.
That endorsement that will require up to another 90 days, meaning that the charter draft should be promulgated, at the latest, by February next year, said Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam, a legal expert.
His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, the only legitimate heir to the throne, has not yet assumed the throne because he has preferred to join the public mourning for His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej before proceeding with the succession.
The Crown Prince’s decision temporarily delayed a process designated by Article 23, referred to in this case by the current charter draft, in which the president of the National Assembly would invite the heir to ascend to the throne and proclaim him king.
In the interim period before the heir is proclaimed under Article 23, the president of the Privy Council, General Prem Tinsulanonda, became Regent pro tempore and acting head of state in accordance with Article 24. The Regent would act on behalf of the throne “only on the basis of necessity”, Prayut said.
During his news briefing, Prayut emphasised that the government would strictly adhere to the road map without delay |during the mourning period.
The government would also continue to drive the country forward, including adopting the late King’s initiatives, including the sufficiency economy philosophy to help the Kingdom to achieve the 2030 UN Sustainable Development Goals, Prayut said.
“Please turn your grief into uniting power and use your wisdom to move forward,” he said. “We also have to help create |correct understanding together.”

In the period between the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime (1979) and the peace agreement (1991), Cambodia was a playground for all types of powers, big and small, near and far. Thailand was wary of Vietnam, which had driven out the Khmer Rouge and backed Hun Sen’s faction. Bangkok invited Beijing to join the play, supplying political backup and military support to help the coalition of three Khmer factions – under King Norodom Sihanouk, the Khmer Rouge under Pol Pot, and the group led by ex-premier Son Sann – in the fight against Hun Sen. Beijing had been a second home for King Sihanouk since 1970.
The 1989-1991 Paris Peace Conference on Cambodia offered a new opportunity for China and other countries including Thailand to fine-tune their relations with Phnom Penh.
After the Paris Peace Accord signed in 1991 to end Cambodia’s protracted civil war, China provided substantial assistance to boost the economy and build infrastructure in the war-ravaged country.
Chinese corporations added 2,600 kilometres of highway, increasing the country’s total road length by more than a third, and built seven large-scale bridges across the inland Tonle Sap River and the Mekong, to connect Cambodia to its neighbours.
However, Hun Sen found that befriending Beijing was no easy task given that Hanoi – which was also helping to rebuild the nation after the Khmer Rouge disaster – remained in conflict with China over historical grievances and territorial disputes.
But when his 1997 power seizure resulted in an international backlash, strongman Hun Sen was able to explain to Hanoi his need for good relations with Beijing. Rejected at first, Cambodia finally joined the Association of Southeast Asian Nations after the 1997 financial crisis, and other member-countries have been relieved to see the country stabilise and Vietnam’s influence wane.
But Cambodia has been edging ever-closer to China since the beginning of the century, when Beijing began lavishing economic assistance on Southeast Asia, notably in the Mekong Basin which spreads into China. The first Greater Mekong Sub-region summit of six states – China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam – was held in Phnom Penh in 2002 and it set the tone for Beijing’s strong influence in Cambodia and the wider region.
Trade, investment and particularly economic assistance in various forms have since poured in from China. It is no exaggeration to say that Chinese money has played a crucial role in modernising Phnom Penh and other major Cambodian provinces.
Last year alone Chinese investments in Cambodia totalled $864 million – among the $9.1 billion pledged since 1994, according to the Council for the Development of Cambodia.
That figure is set to rise further with pledges made by Chinese President Xi Jinping during his first state visit to Cambodia last week. A “soft” loan worth around $237 million was among a total of 31 cooperation documents signed last week by both countries, covering everything from the economy, technology and infrastructure to efforts to curb human trafficking, tax and maritime cooperation. China also pledged more investment in such fields as energy, telecommunications, agriculture, industry and tourism, according to China’s state-run Xinhua news agency.
For its part, Phnom Penh agreed to accelerate projects for Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative and align its 10-year industrial development policy with China’s 13th Five-Year Plan by working to raise bilateral trade volume to $5 billion in 2017.
However, there is a big price to pay for Beijing’s “generosity”. Cambodia has deported Uighur asylum seekers back to China without question, despite strong international criticism. The Muslim ethnic minority will no longer find sanctuary in the arms of Phnom Penh. Cambodia is also China’s first defender against international criticism on various issues, notably the territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Its moves in 2012 and this year to bar Asean from delivering joint statements on the maritime dispute have caused widespread discomfort in the regional grouping, several members of which are at loggerheads with Beijing over sea territory.