Former red-shirt villages hunker down

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Former-red-shirt-villages-hunker-down-30291635.html

SPECIAL REPORT

(Right) In 2011, headman Kongchai Chaikung, left, and villagers pose in front of a banner reading “red-shirt village for democracy” with a picture of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in Ban Nong Hu Ling village in Udon Thani’s Muang district.,(Lef

(Right) In 2011, headman Kongchai Chaikung, left, and villagers pose in front of a banner reading “red-shirt village for democracy” with a picture of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in Ban Nong Hu Ling village in Udon Thani’s Muang district.,(Lef

Politics suppressed in Udon Thani as economy falter under NCPO rule.

UDON THANI province, once the colourful red-shirt capital during the rise of the Pheu Thai Party, has gone completely quiet since the 2014 coup. Underneath the silence, however, people’s hearts are accumulating hatred for dictatorship and crying out for an election day.

Since the coup, there has not been any sign of red-shirt movements in Isaan villages. Red flags, banners displaying village names, large pictures of their two beloved former prime ministers, ThaksinShinawatra and his sister Yingluck, and symbolic decorations of red-shirt villages – all have been removed and hidden.

The military crackdown on red-shirt supporters has left Isaan villages wilting.

Some village and community heads who are former red-shirt supporters have turned into junta supporters since the coup. Some have even become mouthpieces for the state campaigning for the charter draft, which will be tested in the August 7 referendum.

Kongchai Chaikung, head of Ban Nong Hu Ling village of Udon Thani’s Muang district, told The Nation the military had approached him a few months before the coup. Dozens of red-shirt village heads in the province including Kongchai were summoned and asked to stop politically mobilising. The village head was wearing a white shirt symbolising his new political point of view.

“So, the coup was successful as the military could control political leaders at the lowest level – villages and communities,” he said.

Kongchai is now a “Kru Kor”, or Teacher C, volunteer trained to explain the draft to villagers.

Ban Nong Hu Ling is known as the country’s first red-shirt village, which was officially referred to as the “red-shirt village for democracy” founded in late 2010. During that time, hundreds of red-shirt villages mushroomed across Udon Thani, which was widely perceived as the red-shirt capital.

Shades of 2010

The pilot village was founded in answer to red-shirt supporters’ wrath following the 2010 Bangkok bloodshed when red-shirt protesters staged large-scale rallies in Bangkok against the then Democrat-led government. The military crackdown on protesters resulted in at least 90 deaths and many injuries.

A resident of Ban Nong Hu Ling, who asked not to be named, said she had been scared after witnessing the bloodshed and hated the authorities for their heavy-handed response to protests.

Following the demonstrations, the largest number of people affected came from Ban Nong Hu Ling, Kongchai said. The founding of the village as a red-shirt bastion was initiated by Udon Thani red-shirt secretary-general Arnon Sannan and supported by Kamonsin Singhaanurak, the group’s leader, to serve as a symbolic movement for democracy. Some former Pheu Thai MPs also supported the move.

Following the founding, hundreds of red-shirt villages were set up across the country, which became strong supporters of the Pheu Thai Party resulting in its landslide victory in 2011 and the subsequent Yingluck government.

Since the 2014 coup, however, red-shirt villagers have turned blue as the military regime utilised state administration bodies to help suppress red-shirt movements at the community level. The move proved effective.

Kongchai said district chiefs approached village heads across Udon Thani, plying them with “sweet words”. The district officials “politely” asked headmen to cooperate and to stop causing political unrest and staging political activities as the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) was trying to keep the country peaceful, he said.

Some former red-shirt supporters felt they had been abandoned by Pheu Thai, while some had no hope their leaders would return to power. Village leaders believed they had no choice or power to bargain so they dismantled their “red-shirt villages” and took down the flags, banners and symbols referring to colour-coded politics.

The Royal Thai Army Division 24 based in Udon Thani also played an important role in suppressing red-shirt activity. Kongchai said the Army division chief’s rank is comparable to that of the provincial governor but the division head is clearly more powerful than the governor.

Military authorities have exerted a dominating force over red-shirt leaders in the province ever since.

According to a source, who asked to remain unnamed, a prominent red-shirt village leader in Udon Thani has been detained at a military camp during the day several times this week. Authorities were worried the red-shirt leader would hold a celebration for Thaksin on his birthday on Tuesday, the source said, adding that the military had closely monitored the man since the coup and forced him to collaborate.

The climate of fear created by the military has replaced the joyful atmosphere that was evident during the rise of the red-shirt villages and previous elections, Kongchai said.

Foreign and Thai visitors and media now refrain from visiting Udon Thani villages, Kongchai said.

Before the coup, visitors had frequently come to villages to observe the red-shirt support, which indicated a new political awareness at the grassroots level, he said, adding that villagers sometimes would welcome visitors over the course of an entire day. Now, Kongchai said, villagers just farm all day and refrain from talking about politics.

Another villager in Ban Nong Hu Ling who asked to remain unnamed said people in the area are still monitoring the junta’s performance, but she added that she does not discuss politics anymore. She said most people believed the economy had drastically declined under the military regime, particularly as some farm produce prices have dropped by half.

“Some villagers are not impressed by the military regime. They argue when I try to explain and ask them to cast ballots in the referendum. Not all people agree with the junta’s roadmap. They are looking forward to the next election,” Kongchai said, adding that some had already made up their minds to vote against the charter draft.

Many residents have a dark view of the village’s future and prospects for red-shirt leaders, but they still hope there will be a light at the end of the tunnel after the referendum.

Move to reduce number of military brass

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Move-to-reduce-number-of-military-brass-30291636.html

The Defence Council yesterday approved a plan to downsize military personnel serving as specialists and senior operations officers by 2.5 per cent annually with the target of reducing the total figure by half by 2028.

Defence Ministry spokesman Maj-General Kongcheep Tantrawanit said the Defence Council yesterday gave a green light to the plan to reduce military personnel by 2.5 per cent by 2028 in line with the 20-year national strategic plan.

In 2008, 768 military personnel took early retirement including several major-generals, lieutenant-generals and generals who served as specialists and senior specialists. By 2028, the military is expected to have only 384 specialists on the rolls.

In 2008, there were 2,698 senior colonels who served as operation officers and 1,349 are expected to remain come 2028.

Kongcheep said the number of new graduates from the military cadet schools would also be reduced in line with the personnel-reduction policy.

Over the past three years, 15,000 military officials from all ranks have taken early retirement.

Public views on the charter still blurred

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Public-views-on-the-charter-still-blurred-30291538.html

BURNING ISSUE

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Judging from the current public awareness, the August 7 referendum on the draft constitution is not as exciting as the previous one a decade ago, when people voted whether to approve the draft charter of 2007.

Many people are still unaware when the national vote takes place and whether August 7 is a big day.

Many people have just started to pay attention to the upcoming referendum following the news of voter lists displayed at polling stations being damaged or stolen – in some cases by some unexpected perpetrators, such as little children and macaques.

Interestingly, despite the low level of public awareness, opposition to the draft constitution seems to be higher than it was ahead of the vote on the 2007 charter. At that time, the charter’s opponents mainly consisted of politicians from former premier Thaksin Shinawatra’s dissolved Thai Rak Thai Party, as well as activists and academics close to the red-shirt movement. In the previous referendum, 14 million people voted to approve the draft, written after the coup of September 2006, compared to 10 million who voted against it.

This time around, many people have come out against the draft written by the Constitution Drafting Commission. They include politicians from the Pheu Thai Party, which is linked to Thaksin, and leaders of the red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD). There are also academics from the Nitirat group, the student activist group New Democracy Movement, and a network of 43 groups of academics, students and public members. A number of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) also made it clear that they would vote against the draft.

A high-powered group Platform of Concerned Citizens is not clearly against the draft charter but they disagree with a number of points in the draft. The group consists of people from several circles including some government supporters and many well-known politicians from different political parties. They include Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva, Pheu Thai key figure Sudarat Keyuraphan, Chart Thai Pattana heavyweights Somsak Prisanananthakul and Nikorn Chamnong.

Some political observers have played down the opposition to the draft charter. They are not convinced the draft’s opponents will be able to turn the size of their supporters into actual majority votes against the draft. For them, the opposition to the draft comes mainly from Pheu Thai and the red shirts, which are essentially the same group of people.

Unlike Pheu Thai and the red shirts, the observers are not convinced NGO activists and academics who are against the draft will be able to influence people to vote the way they like.

As for the Democrat Party, Abhisit and his faction may not be totally pleased with the draft charter. But Suthep Thaugsuban, the leader of the People’s Democratic Reform Committee, has retained his influence among many Democrat politicians although he left the party as secretary-general after leading a street protest against the previous government.

Suthep is an avid supporter of the draft charter, having spoken in his daily Facebook Live broadcasts about what he describes as benefits of the “anti-corruption constitution” draft.

Some critics have described the seeming lack of decisiveness among the Democrat politicians as a “two-faced strategy” to ensure that they can go with the flow whichever side wins in the referendum vote.

It should be reminded that we still have not heard the views of many ordinary people what they think about the constitutional draft. Due to the strict Referendum Act and Election Commission regulations, many people have been too afraid of legal consequences to speak publicly in the run-up to the referendum. These people certainly will make their view known when they cast their ballots.

Their fear was reflected in the results of recent public opinion surveys, which showed that no more than 10 per cent of respondents said they would vote against the draft. However, in many polls, up to a third of those surveyed said they remained undecided – although it was likely that several of them in fact had already made up their minds.

Some people involved may be happy with the poll results that show only a small percentage of eligible voters are against the draft charter. That may turn out to be a big mistake for them, when the referendum results actually come out.

attayuth@nationgroup.com

Your Charter, Your Say

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Your-Charter-Your-Say-30291562.html

REFERENDUM SPECIAL

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NIKORN CHAMNONG, CHART THAI PATTANA PARTY’S DIRECTOR AND FORMER MP

Even if the draft is passed, my life will not change, as I will continue doing my duty as a politician. I have been in politics for nearly 30 years and have seen political changes and reform.

In terms of society, after approval, we will see great changes in several dimensions. Things will change and it will depend on us to see if we can get along with the changes or not.

PINKAEW LAUNGARAMSRI, SOCIOLOGIST AT CHIANG MAI UNIVERSITY

A constitution that fails to link to people, devalues people’s rights and power, deteriorates representative democracy and empowers a bureaucratic state will plague people’s lives.

Economic crises and political corruption will be more problematic and nobody will be responsible for this.

In my view, people do not seem to have the power to conduct checks on the state under this draft. For academics, their role in criticising the bureaucratic state would be considerably limited. Meanwhile, I think many of the upcoming organic laws would dramatically infringe upon people’s rights to express their opinions.

CHUWAT RERKSIRISUK, PRACHATAI’S MANAGING |EDITOR

Life as a journalist will not be the same. The draft will result in political conflicts and I will have to keep an eye on unstable politics.

Once the draft is approved, people’s rights and liberty will be corroded. The next government will be greatly influenced by the ruling military regime, which will appoint 250 senators. Demonstrations are bound to erupt and we will see an economic slowdown.

The international community will not trust or accept us. Political turmoil will hit foreign investment, followed by high levels of unemployment.

KRIT MAHATON, AN ISAAN VILLAGER

My life will be bad if the draft is passed. The economy will slow down, while the cost of living will be higher.

I believe there will be no welfare for the elderly as it will be cut. I have also learned that there will be no policy for the grassroots level nor will there be 15 years of free education.

People will live in a climate of fear because their community leaders and state officers will collaborate with the powers-that-be and the military. Villagers like me are somehow wondering what is going to happen if the draft is approved.

Country needs a better charter, says Abhisit as he rejects current draft

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Country-needs-a-better-charter-says-Abhisit-as-he–30291563.html

Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva announces the party’s decision to reject the charter draft in the August 7 referendum at party headquarters yesterday.

Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva announces the party’s decision to reject the charter draft in the August 7 referendum at party headquarters yesterday.

DEMOCRAT PARTY leader Abhisit Vejjajiva yesterday announced his long-awaited stance towards the charter draft.

He rejected it, citing it did not respond to the country’s problems and challenges.

“Considering this … I will not accept this charter draft. This is the [sole] reason for me to consider whether I should accept this charter draft or not. It has nothing to do with politics,” Abhisit told a press conference.

“This draft… will not help us step across the old problems that we have, and that’s the reason I will reject it.”

Abhisit, highly expected to make a stance earlier as leader of one of the biggest parties in the country, stepped out yesterday to make his opinion clear.

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Abhisit said he had made the decision in his capacity as party leader, sticking to the party’s ideology of serving the people through the democratic path. He based his stance on three main problems and challenges the country had been facing.

First, whether the draft had responded to the country’s development and served the people at large. In other words, has it given an opportunity for participation in any decision-making on public policies to make lives better or not?

Second, has the draft strengthened or weakened anti-corruption measures?

And third, has it come up with measures to resolve conflicts?

Abhisit said the fundamental element of the country’s participatory development was decentralisation. But he has learned that the draft’s guarantee of people’s rights and liberty has apparently gone backwards, even further than the 2007 constitution.

On the contrary, the draft has opened a way for the state to dominate any decision-making process, while limiting people’s participation through future law promulgation.

This condition would be hard to amend if the draft was passed at the referendum, he said.

Abhisit said the charter draft would not help tackle conflict and division. It had come up with a new mechanism of 250 appointed-senators, which could trigger new conflict, rather than allow normal checks and balances of the representative system to work.

The pre-referendum process, |he said, would add to conflict in years to come as it currently undermined legitimacy of the charter draft itself.

On corruption, the charter draft had removed the impeachment process, while relying heavily on two bodies – the National Anti Corruption Commission and the Court for Political Holders -which had been weakened following the new draft, he said.

Abhisit said considering all these reasons, and not using emotion or political gain, he would reject it.

Abhisit said he viewed that if the draft was rejected, it could offer an opportunity for the country to get something better.

“I can’t accept the draft only for the reason that if it is rejected, we will encounter something worse. On the contrary, if the draft is rejected the country will have a better opportunity.”

He allayed fears that this would lead to chaos, as some people had claimed, saying what many people wished to see was what was best for the country.

Abhisit suggested that Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha take the lead in drafting a new charter if this draft failed to pass the referendum. He should stick to the road map to allay any fears, and allow people to take part from the beginning.

He said PM Prayut could start with the 2007 constitution as it was considered the best to guarantee people’s rights and liberties – a fundamental element leading to the country’s sustainable development path and true democracy.

“This stance is not a conspiracy theory of politicians vying for power or anything. No, it’s not. It has passed my thorough consideration, based on the use of reason and my party’s ideology.

“So, I would like you to take it back and find time to consider the essence of what I have shared today as I think that this is the heart of the issue – that we all must help the country to step [up from the old problems].”

 

Govt hits back over UN statement targeting Article 61

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Govt-hits-back-over-UN-statement-targeting-Article-30291564.html

FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION

David Kaye

David Kaye

THE JUNTA government has responded sharply to a United Nations’ rights expert who condemned its clampdown on public comment ahead of the August poll through military orders and the Referendum Act.

“Everyone must have the right to hold opinions without interference,” said David Kaye, UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression in a press release issued by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

The press release stressed the act’s Article 61 for criminalising anyone who disseminates “false”, “rude”, “inciting” or “intimidating” messages concerning the referendum and the charter draft. The punishment specified is up to 10 years in prison, a maximum fine of Bt200,000 and loss of voting rights for 10 years.

The junta government responded that these penalties were suitable to Thailand’s “[political] transitory period” that required “special” laws to keep the country in order.

Government Deputy Spokesperson Maj-General Werachon Sukondhapatipak claimed the government adhered to international rights principles and never obstructed public expression of opinion on the draft.

“Should you be worried, as stated in the press release, we are concerned about the appropriateness of personal opinions that may infringe Thai laws,” Werachon said. He added the government was willing to listen to suggestions “if they are useful”.

Chief charter drafter Meechai Ruchupan countered Kaye by asking rhetorically whether the UN truly understood the difference between freedom and acts of reporting false information to the public.

“Only distorted and false information is prohibited from being spread during the campaign period,” Meechai said. “It’s not that people are banned from expressing opinions at all.”

It has been reported that at least 86 people have been investigated or charged under the government clampdown since June, the UN’s press release said. Numbers of activists, including a journalist, were also charged under the act for a campaign urging voters to reject the draft earlier this month.

Kaye urged the Thai government to halt enforcement of the Referendum Act and drop all charges under the act and related military orders. It should also uphold its international obligation to safeguard the broad and expansive right to freedom of expression guaranteed to everyone, he said.

Former Pheu Thai MP faces charges

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Former-Pheu-Thai-MP-faces-charges-30291565.html

Case involving ‘distorted’ draft charter letters to be heard by military court.

A FORMER Pheu Thai MP and 10 others face charges of criminal association and of violating the referendum law after the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) filed complaints and demanded that they be tried at both civil and military courts.

The NCPO took action after security officers raided local government offices in Chiang Mai and the company of a well-known political clan on Saturday and found copies of letters “distorting” the draft charter.

Maj-General Kosol Pathumchart, chief of the 33rd Army Circle, said a legal team from the NCPO filed a complaint at the Crime Suppression Unit in Bangkok accusing the 11 individuals of violating the Criminal Code’s Article 116.

“This case is under the jurisdiction of the military court so the suspects have been summoned to the 11th Army Circle in Bangkok. The Crime Suppression Unit will take over the investigation later,” he said.

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A source said the NCPO accused the 11 individuals of violating Article 116 by expressing opinions without honest intentions and for violating Article 210 due to criminal association.

Seven out of 11 suspects allegedly involved in the letters “distorting” the charter draft showed up at Kawila military camp in Chiang Mai yesterday to face interrogation.

The seven who showed up include included mayor of Tambon Chang Puak Kachen Jiakkachorn, Tharnthip Buranupakorn, Wissarut Kunanitisarn, Aim-orn Dabsok, Atipong Kammoon, Supawadi Ngam-Muang and Kobkan Sutika.

The remaining four who did not show up are Chiang Mai Provincial Administrative Organisation president Boonlert Buranupakorn, former Chiang Mai MP Thassani Buranupakorn, Krittikorn Photaya and Thewarat Inta.

Boonlert, who has been dismissed by the NCPO over offences related to the referendum law, is currently on an overseas trip, while security officials escorted Thassani from Bangkok to Chiang Mai.

Thassani had sought to meet national police chief Pol General Chakthip Chaijinda in Bangkok yesterday to show she was sincere after security officials raided her family’s company in Chiang Mai on Saturday. She was also hoping to ask Chakthip to release her sister Tharnthip. However, before she could meet the police, military officers showed up to escort her to the 11 Army Circle for the seven-day detention. The team was led by staff judge advocate Colonel Burin Thongprapai.

Meanwhile, Chiang Mai mayor Thassanai Buranupakorn turned at the Kalawin military camp to provide moral support to his sister Tharnthip and left.

Those who failed to surrender yesterday will face arrest warrants, while Boonlert has been told to report to the 11 Army Circle immediately after returning from overseas, Kosol said.

He added that the seven suspects would be moved from Kalawin military camp to the 11th Army Circle in Bangkok for investigation over the “distorting” letters.

Deputy Prime Minister General Prawit Wongsuwan said police had solid evidence that Boonlert was involved in alleged offences related to referendum law, so he has been suspended from duty. He downplayed threats from the Local Administrative Organisation Association to rally against Boonlert’s arrest since he is president of the association.

Meanwhile, caretaker Pheu Thai deputy secretary-general Chavalit Wichaisut claimed that police did not have enough grounds to press charges against Boonlert under the referendum law, which was why the premier had resorted to using absolute powers under Article 44 to take action against him.

He also wondered if police were too scared to wrap up investigations against those who are allegedly involved in the “distorted” letters.

“That’s why they handed the case over to the provincial Election Commission, which then forwarded it to the central Election Commission,” he said.

Chavalit went on to say that it was unfair to detain Tharthip and Thassani using special powers, as it was not in accordance with the referendum law.

“I am concerned about the country’s image since the government is exercising special powers as the referendum draws near,” he said.

Meanwhile Wicharn Puwiharn, 48, was rounded up at a market in Ubon Ratchathani’s Phibun Mangsahan district for loudly calling on people to not vote at the August 7 public referendum.

Superintendent Pol Lt-Colonel Sopon Kruachao said Wicharn looked like he was mentally unstable, but a doctor at Phra Sri Mahapho temple insisted that he was normal after a physical check up. Police then pressed charges against him for causing disturbance.

 

Referendum may end up deepening divisions

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Referendum-may-end-up-deepening-divisions-30291566.html

POLITICS

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Abhisit deals a major blow to NCPO, coup supporters by rejecting draft.

AS POLITICAL FACTIONS grapple to impose their notions on what the referendum result would mean in a final bid to influence voters, the labyrinth that is the charter poll will not really bring an end to the junta’s mission. Instead, it will just be a transition to a new phase in the long-standing power struggle.

Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rejection of the draft charter yesterday did little to ease matters, and instead dealt a major blow to the junta and supporters of the People’s Democratic Reform Foundation who helped topple the elected government more than two years ago.

As drafted, the charter draft would do little to tackle conflicts and divisions, and its new mechanism of 250 appointed senators could trigger new conflicts rather than let a normal system of checks and balances work, Abhisit said.

Also, he said, the government’s pre-referendum actions will only add to the conflicts as they undermine the legitimacy of the draft charter.

Shortly after Abhisit’s announcement, Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha responded yesterday by calling on the public not to let others’ opinions influence their vote. “I want people to be strong and not listen too much to others,” he said.

Asked if the Democrat’s stance would affect the referendum results, Prayut said, “You have to ask people if they [the politicians] look down upon them. I believe people know how to think.”

Meanwhile, political analyst Sirote Klampaiboon said the referendum next month was not just about the charter, but also about how the public views the junta.

“The advocates of democracy will vote one way, and coup supporters will vote another,” he said.

“However, there are the non-partisan voters, and their decision will most likely be based on their impression of the NCPO [National Council for Peace and Order],” he said. “When deciding whether to vote yes or no, they might consider the NCPO’s performance over the past two years and perhaps the personality of the leading figures.”

This possibly explains the paranoia the regime has been exhibiting by arresting and taking legal action against those allegedly breaching the referendum law, including little children, teenagers and even monkeys who have innocently vandalised lists of eligible voters’ names.

There are other signs of desperation, as people like Constitution Drafting Commission chief Meechai Ruchupan insist that the rejection of the draft would not extend the stay of this coup-installed government.

Abhisit, on the other hand, has said that rejecting the draft would allow the country to have a better constitution with better people participation.

Attasit Pankaew, a political scientist at Thammasat University, said the junta’s legitimacy would be badly affected if the draft charter failed.

“The regime still needs to stay as it has set a time frame for its so-called road map. Hence they are trying to secure their position now. Why? Because the road will be bumpy unless the charter is endorsed in the referendum,” he said.

The margin of the vote will also be significant.

“Conflicts will arise even if the charter pulls through the referendum,” Piyabutr Sangkanokkul, a law professor and leading figure of the Nitirat group said at a recent assembly of the pro-democracy group on the constitutional agenda.

“The draft charter suppresses a lot of people and a rejecting |vote is a way for those against |the coup to express themselves. Even if the junta does stay on, its legitimacy will not be intact,” he said.

Piyabutr suggested that if the charter fails in the referendum, the NCPO should step down and stop playing a part in the drafting process. He warned that history had shown that there are only two options for dictators.

“They either step down |gracefully or face public insurgence disgracefully,” the academic said.

The matter of transitory provisions: a means for the regime to retain its power?

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/The-matter-of-transitory-provisions-a-means-for-th-30291514.html

THAILAND EXPLAINER

Shades of an old conflict in KKFC heritage attempt

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Shades-of-an-old-conflict-in-KKFC-heritage-attempt-30291460.html

BURNING ISSUE

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History sometimes repeats itself. Thailand needs to recall its conflict with a neighbouring country, as the same issue is recurring but now on the opposite border after Myanmar opposed a Thai proposal to list the Kaeng Krachan Forest Complex (KKFC) as a world heritage site during a meeting in Istanbul early this month.

The mood and sentiment might be different but the logic is exactly the same as when Thailand blocked Cambodia’s proposal to list the Hindu Temple of Preah Vihear as a world heritage site in 2008.

During a meeting of the World Heritage Committee in Turkey from July 10 to 20, the Myanmar delegation wanted the committee to delay the Thai proposal since the area apparently overlaps territory under the sovereignty of Myanmar.

Everybody knows, including Thai officials at the Foreign Ministry, that world heritage status in areas where boundaries are unclear has no bearing on sovereignty rights.

Paragraph 3 of Article 11 of the 1972 Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage makes that point clear. The article states: “The inclusion of a property in the World Heritage list requires the consent of the state concerned. The inclusion of a property situated in a territory, sovereignty or jurisdiction over which is claimed by more than one state shall in no way prejudice the rights of the parties to the dispute.”

For the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) World Heritage Committee, territorial conflicts could undermine the spirit of world heritage as happened during the conflict between Thailand and Cambodia between 2008 and 2010. The committee told delegates of the two countries to settle the issue in a timely fashion. Thanks to the Turkish coup attempt, however, the committee decided to postpone the meeting to October.

However, the Thai team might need to do more homework. The explanation that the designation has nothing to do with sovereignty over the territory in question was not convincing for Myanmar because Thai representatives registered similar concerns nearly a decade ago against regarding the Cambodian proposal to register Preah Vihear.

Myanmar officials referred to a meeting between State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha when the former visited Thailand in June, which saw an agreement that Thailand would not propose the designation of the KKFC before the border is demarcated. Thai officials referred to the same meeting in a different fashion, telling media that Prayut guaranteed there would not be border issues involved in listing the forest as a world heritage site.

Thailand’s delegates also showed their Myanmar counterparts a revised graphic with new coordinates demarcating the area. The new graphic indicated that the proposed forest area is situated only in Thailand’s territory. The western side of the area runs along the boundary line between the two countries delimited by Anglo-Siamese treaties, according to an official at the Thai Foreign Ministry.

The Myanmar delegation’s problem, however, is that the revised graphic was submitted late and, furthermore, the boundary between the two countries in the area is still unclear.

Thailand, then known as Siam, signed an agreement in 1868 with the British Empire to demarcate the boundary at the Tenasserim area indicating a boundary running from present-day Mae Hong Son province down to Ranong.

Time and nature have since destroyed the demarcation signs. Thailand and Myanmar set up a joint boundary committee in 1993 to redraw the boundary demarcation but many areas along the 2,401-kilometre border still have not been settled. The Tenasserim area where the KKFC is located in Petchaburi province, which is mostly forested and inhabited by ethnic Karen communities, is one such area.

Prayut and Suu Kyi have agreed to resume the joint boundary committee’s work but it will not be easy to progress quickly. There is no way the committee will make the boundary line clear before the world heritage session in October.

History now haunts Thailand. The Thai team needs to convince Myanmar that the world heritage status has nothing to do with territorial sovereignty, and more importantly make sure that ultra-nationalists in Thailand do not politicise the issue for political gain as happened with the Preah Vihear issue.