The group also expressed concerns that executives might delay decisions relating to the upcoming referendum, such as those regarding regulations and campaign bans, because of their busy travel schedules. A source familiar with the EC said that all five commissioners are generally present during decision-making meetings, although rules require only a three-fourths quorum.

The petition cited examples of expensive trips, including one in which the EC reportedly spent Bt70,000 to send a student to South Korea, when a standard five- to seven-day trip should cost between Bt30,000 and Bt40,000 per student.

The petition also said budgets allocated to other officials had been cut.

“Please let them travel as they wish. But could you please give us a new team of commissioners?” the petition read.

Top EC executives had speculated that the letter might have been written by staff affected by the EC’s dismissal of former secretary-general Puchong Nutrawong, a source said.

Meanwhile, the commission’s chairman Supachai Somchaeron said the EC has set up an investigating committee to probe the issue. If the petition’s information is incorrect, the writers should be punished he said. The chairman also insisted that preparations for the referendum were proceeding on schedule and that trips did not interfere in the EC’s duties because some duties could be completed online.

Supachai also said the APED not the main EC offices that was responsible for organising the trips.

APED director Krit Auewong defended EC executives, saying that overseas trips are usually organised based on dates of elections scheduled in other countries.

The trip to South Korea coincided with last week’s parliamentary elections there, Krit said, adding that EC commissioner Somchai Srisutthiyakorn will visit Austria to observe its presidential election next Sunday and commissioner Boonsong Noisophon will observe parliamentary elections in Scotland on May 5.

Supachai has also been invited by the US Democratic and Republican parties to observe the Pennsylvania primary election later this month, Krit said.

“You can like or dislike (the charter) but don’t express it (to the public) and keep it inside your head. Those wearing ‘Vote No’ or ‘Vote Yes’ T-shirts will have them taken off,” Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan said.

Prawit was responding to anti-charter groups, like the Network of Academics for Civil Rights, whose members wore T-shirts with a “Vote No” logo when they read out a statement on Sunday outlining five arguments against the charter at a press conference.

Politicians and activists cried foul over a restrictive regulation in the referendum bill, as it appears that they cannot express their opinions freely on the charter.

The Election Commission (EC) is yet to come up with a clear stance on public campaigns or a list of “do’s and don’ts” ahead of the referendum.

Thanit Sripratet, deputy secretary-general of the commission, said the EC was still working on the campaigning part, as that was unclear in the referendum bill.

However, to make it clear, the EC may have to wait for passage of the bill so that it can take the penalties that wrongdoers will face into consideration, he said.

In its meeting yesterday, the EC agreed the referendum will be held on August 7.

Boonyakiat Rakchatcharoen, acting secretary-general of the agency, said the EC had prepared further regulations to implement the scheduled date, pending promulgation of the referendum law, which has already been endorsed by the National Legislative Assembly.

The EC also backed the printing of one million copies of the new charter, along with four million copies of charter summaries, four million more copies of the NLA’s explanations on the additional question and 17 million copies of a booklet summarising key charter issues.

The booklets will be ready for |delivery to households on May 23.

Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam denied that old charters would be adapted if the new charter did not pass the referendum, saying only that he had said it could be done.

He said it would not make sense and would be inexplicable if the 2007 or 1997 charters, which were torn down after recent coups, were put in place again. Only their good parts should be brought back for use, and this could be possible.

Ultimately it was up to the National Council for Peace and Order to make a decision if the charter was turned down, he said. But any new charter drafting must still stick to the framework given under Article 35 of the 2014 Interim Constitution.

“To this point, we have not prepared any way out. So, be calm, it’s only three months away,” he said. Fifty million people would make a decision at the referendum, and he would not say anything about it that could be misleading.

In related news, the Constitution Drafting Commission panel tasked with preparing charter information for dissemination revealed that it has come up with two sets.

One is for the CDC’s spokespeople, and the other covers 10-20 simplified issues people would need to know about.

The CDC, which will hold rallies nationwide to explain the charter to the public, has not yet settled how many presentations would be staged, Theinchai Na Nakorn, a member of the CDC panel, said.

Meanwhile, red-shirt leader Nuttawut Saikuar called for the government to open space for all parties to express their opinions, saying that otherwise their publicity campaign would backfire.

He warned against the government’s move to detain anyone who voiced opposition to the charter, as had happened to key Pheu Thai figure Watana Muangsuk.

The custody measure under special order Article 44 could also overrule the referendum bill, he said, as well as undermine the country’s reputation among the international community.

Srisuwan filed the complaint with Colonel Ithipol Kijsuwan, assistant secretary-general of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC).

He called for an investigation of Preecha’s appointment of his son, Patipat, to the post. The position carries a salary of Bt15,000 and the rank of second lieutenant.

Srisuwan alleged Preecha’s appointment constitutes malfeasance and violated the Charter Organic Law on Anti-Corruption Act of 1999.

Srisuwan said the appointment might also violate the Administrative Procedures 1996 Act, the Defence Ministry ethics directives of 2008, and Number 25 of the code of conduct and ethics of the National Legislative Assembly 2015.

He added it might also violate the intention of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), which overthrew an elected government based on accusations of malfeasance.

“The NCPO should not walk in the footsteps of politicians. We call on Patipat to step down from the post to take responsibility and reduce adverse public sentiment,” he said.

Srisuwan also demanded that Preecha apologise to the public for his actions.

He filed the same complaint with the Ombudsman’s Office deputy secretary-general Thavin Injamnong asking for an inquiry into the allegations.

Srisuwan added that the NCPO was reforming the country and Preecha held a high-ranking position so he should set a high ethical standard as an example for the public.

Preecha has defended the appointment, saying his actions followed legal procedure and he had the power to do so since Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan had assigned him to endorse the appointment.

He said his son had graduated with a degree in mass communications and he had been appointed to a post that matched his qualifications and education, adding that Patipat had already begun work.

Preecha also said he would check to determine how official documents about his son’s appointment had been leaked to the public.

The permanent secretary added that Defence Ministry spokesman Colonel Kongcheep Tantrawanit had announced Patipat’s appointment in line with the law and that the prime minister had been informed of the matter but not made any comment. He added that he was ready to face an NACCinvestigation.

Meanwhile, Prawit said he saw nothing wrong with the appointment since Preecha had the power to recruit anyone qualified to the post.

“If they are a bachelor’s degree graduate, have a clean bill of health and no criminal record, they can serve as a military officer. Some posts need no test or competition unless there are many candidates vying for the same post,” he said.

Asked if he saw Preecha’s appointment as nepotism, Prawit downplayed criticism, adding that the documents regarding the appointment were not regarded as classified.

“Large parties, as well as medium and small ones, have no idea how they are going to be affected by the new rules. Our future largely depends on these new rules. It looks like we will have minority rule and a system that caters to a power not linked to election by the people,” Phumtham said.

Democrat Party deputy leader Nipit Intarasombat expressed a similar opinion.

“The new rules that allow senators to select the PM will create many problems because they would allow the formation of a minority government,” he said, adding, “If legislation sponsored by MPs is voted down, the government will last only three to four months. The government after an election will not survive because it cannot implement its policies,” he said.

Not only the two large parties, but minority parties also feel “uneasy” about the threat of discrimination by the junta against politicians. A key former Pheu Thai official, who did not want to be named, said the new rules under the charter draft were written not to reform the country but to crack down on politicians. “The people behind the new rules are not better than politicians,” he said.

Although political observers believe it would be difficult for Pheu Thai to win a landslide victory, its party members still believe they will maintain the number one position.

“Being number one is not enough, we have to win a landslide victory to form a government. Some measures are being drawn up to prevent us from winning and to counter us if we do win,” the Pheu Thai source said.

The Democrats are clearly a major rival of Pheu Thai, though in their critics’ opinion they are not a challenge to the National Council for Peace and Order. The Democrats could never rise to power without the backing of the junta, Pheu Thai believes.

In the eyes of the junta, the Democrats could not show resistance to the military. But the Democrats themselves are split. Some tend to side with the junta and there are people like former Democrat Suthep Thaugsuban who openly backs the military.

Reports suggest there could be a change in the Democrat leadership because the people in power do not want the Democrats to become an obstacle.