The next national vote is expected to take place in 2017, according to the post-coup “road map” for a return to democracy set by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). However, busy schedules involving state and royal functions following the death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej may result in the general election being put off until 2018.

The late King’s cremation ceremony is expected to be held after a year of government mourning, starting on October 13. And the coronation of the new monarch, His Majesty King Maha Vajiralongkorn, will take place after that.

The new charter – the 20th since Thailand became a constitutional monarchy in 1932 – is set to be promulgated early in the new year. The draft constitution was endorsed in the national referendum on August 7 and revisions were made in accordance with the vote result on the additional question allowing appointed senators to select prime minister for the next five years.

That revised clause is expected to pave the way for an “outsider”, someone who is not from any political party or an MP, to become the next government head. However, key figures in the ruling junta have ruled out the possibility of them returning to power after the next election.

The Constitution Drafting Commission (CDC) is writing four organic laws required before the next national vote – ones on political parties, the Election Commission, the election of members of Parliament and the appointment of senators.

With the NCPO’s help, the post-coup administration led by General Prayut Chan-o-cha has managed to restrict pressure from different groups of politicians and activists. This is due to the rules and orders issued by Prayut, as the NCPO chief, under special powers handed to him by the post-coup interim charter. As a result, political activities and dissent have been limited.

Prayut also issued rules and orders to remove certain senior bureaucrats and revise the existing laws and regulations to make way for the implementation of his government’s policies.

The administration has earned much praises for keeping peace for more than 18 months after seizing government control in May 2014 following a period of unrest toward the end of the previous administration. The coup-makers have fulfilled their promise of returning peace and order to the country.

However, the government is feeling the heat with increasing pressure from both inside and outside of the country over different issues, ranging from the everyday running of the country to human rights. The longer it stays in power, the more pressure it will facing from all sides. Criticisms have increased over the still-rising high cost of living in the country and tougher state controls on areas other than politics, such as social media and mainstream media.

After having been in power for more than two years, the post-coup government may this year be faced with questions as to whether it is overstaying its welcome.

Traditionally, a coronation is held, but not all Thai monarchs have gone through the ritual.

The coronation is a formal investiture of regal power. In Western cultures, the ceremony involves the placing of a crown upon the head of the monarch and the presentation of other items of regalia.

In the Kingdom, a coronation was held for the first time since the Sukhothai era for Maha Dhamaraja I.

A coronation in Thai culture was influenced by Hindu elements to demonstrate the King’s divine power. Initially, the coronation referred to ancient India’s Mahabharata epic, in which Hindu deities crowned the god Indra.

In the Rattanakosin era, there were plenty of Buddhist and Hindu religious elements in the coronation ceremony.

Many kings of the Chakri dynasty held coronation ceremonies for the formal investiture after an accession to the throne.

King Rama I, King Rama IV and King Rama V adjusted the details for their coronations in accordance with the circumstances of their respective eras.

King Rama IV allowed foreign guests to attend the grand audience while King Rama V commanded the audiences at the ceremony to stand up and bow, rather than the ancient practice of prostration.

After the 1932 revolution, which turned the absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, a coronation was held on May 5, 1950 when His Majesty King Bhumibol crowned himself at the Grand Palace. While many of the royal and religious traditions in the ancient ritual were short and simplified, the occasion was still a model coronation ceremony.

King Rama IX famously said after his coronation: “We shall reign with righteousness, for the benefit and happiness of the Siamese people.”

King Rama IX’s coronation was also held for his consort to become Queen. After his coronation was completed, the late King conducted the ceremony for Queen Sirikit, anointing her with lustral water and elevating her to Queen.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, a senior prosecutor suggested the legal amendment should not take effect unless the Constitutional Court clears it.

On Thursday, the proposed amendment to Article 7 of the Act sailed through all the three readings of the National Legislative Assembly (NLA). The proposal came up for NLA deliberation without being reviewed by the Cabinet or any other organisation.

“I believe the Constitutional Court should be asked to rule on such legislation,” the legal expert said yesterday. He suggested the prime minister or any person affected by the change could file a petition with the court.

The prosecutor said normally when the Cabinet reviews a draft law or a proposed legal change, it assigns the Council of State to help look into the content.

“During such a review process, the Council of State will ask for the opinions of all agencies involved too,” he said. “The constitution gives the Cabinet the right to review a draft law proposed by the NLA so as to ensure careful deliberation in the legislative process.”

When PM’s Office Minister Ormsin Chivapruck showed up during the NLA session on Thursday, he announced that the government had no objection to the NLA move to proceed with the matter in line with the parliamentary and constitutional process. But the source at the OAG said that the opinion of Ormsin should not qualify as a decision by the whole Cabinet.

The proposed amendment approved by the NLA on Thursday allows the King to name the new supreme patriarch at his discretion. Under the current law, the country’s next most senior monastic chief is appointed by the highest Buddhist priest when the post becomes vacant.

The top ecclesiastical post has been vacant since Somdet Phra Nyanasamvara Sangharaja passed away in 2013.

The Sangha Supreme Council nominated Somdet Chuang, officially known as Somdet Phra Maha Ratcha Mangkhlachan, for the post of supreme patriarch early this year because he is the most senior monastic chief. However, the nomination has not gone further amid intense opposition against the elderly monk.

The NLA’s latest amendment to the 1992 Sangha Act is widely seen as a move to remove the deadlock surrounding the appointment of the country’s top Buddhist monk.

NLA President Pornpetch Wichitcholchai yesterday maintained the move was merely designed to restore a long-held tradition, given no supreme patriarch had been appointed under the 1992 Sangha Act. Somdet Phra Nyanasamvara Sangharaja took up the post before that Act took effect.

Meanwhile, NLA vice president Peerasak Porchit did not believe that monks would protest over the move.

Apart from the relevant authorities, every Thai is hoping this will be an exquisite, impressive and heartfelt goodbye befitting Thailand’s greatest and most beloved monarchs.

King Rama IX reigned over Thailand from 1946 to 2016, and at the time of his passing, he was the world’s longest-reigning monarch. During his seven-decade-long reign, His Majesty was so devoted to his people that they in turn could not help but love and deeply revere him.

Since His Majesty’s passing on October 13, millions of Thais have been queuing for hours outside the Grand Palace for a chance to lay prostrate before his body. Many mourners are seen praying for their beloved monarch even after the doors of the Grand Palace close.

In addition, everybody has been keeping a close eye on every step leading to the ceremony, starting from the choice of wood for the royal pyre.

Logs of agarwood were selected and transported from Prachuap Khiri Khan’s Kui Buri National Park on December 20, under the eye of many who either watched the procedure via media outlets or gathered around the park with their palms pressed together to show their deep respect.

Meanwhile, the government has already come up with the design of the royal crematorium. Designed to symbolise Mount Sumeru, this structure will stand tall at 50.49 metres. According to Buddhist mythology the heavens sit above Mount Sumeru.

Eight pavilions representing Mount Sumeru’s surrounding mountains will also be set up around the crematorium.

The royal crematorium, expected to occupy a large part of Sanam Luang, is scheduled for completion in September next year and the royal cremation ceremony will most likely take place in the following month.

Though bidding their beloved king a final goodbye will be heartbreaking for most Thais, many will still catch a glimpse of the monarch being carried in a gold-gilded chariot to the royal crematorium.

His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej has been engraved in each Thai’s heart and nearly everyone will stand guard and ensure his journey to heaven is completed without a hitch.

This year has been a tough one for activists who campaigned in various fields in the region, with instances of murder, forced disappearance, threats, and legal prosecution.

Some of the prominent activists who lost their lives or disappeared during 2016 as a result of their fight to protect natural resources, environment, and human rights, included Malaysian land rights activist Bill Kayong; Filipino anti-coal campaigner Gloria Capitan; Myanmar environmentalist Naw Chit Pandaing; Cambodian political commentator Kem Ley; and Thai land rights activist Den Kamlae.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) senior researcher Sunai Phasuk said the overall situation for activists in Southeast Asia this year was very dangerous and worse than in the previous year. Sunai said many activists were killed because of their campaign and many were subjected to criminal and civil lawsuits by authorities and private companies to silence their campaign.

“We have observed that the threat to activists was universal throughout the region. Activists in Asean not only faced life threats, but they were also vulnerable to legal actions by the state and the private sector,” Sunai said.

“This year, we not only saw an increase of the number of cases of threats to activists, but we also saw many existing cases unsolved, such as the forced disappearance cases of Billy (Pholachi Rakchongcharoen), Somchai Neelapaijit, or Sombath Somphone, have not been brought to justice.”

Angkana Neelapaijit, a National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) member and wife of missing Muslim lawyer Somchai, stated that while this year had seen fewer threats to the lives of Thai activists with the exception of Den, who has been missing and is presumed to be have been killed, the threat to the activists is coming in the form of legal prosecution.

‘Many females harassed’

“Many activists were sued for their activities, while many past cases have not been solved yet. Some young activists have been sued for more than seven cases, which has caused them financial problems fighting these cases in the court,” Angkana informed.

She also stressed that many female activists were sexually harassed and a lot of people were taken into secret detention, which was also considered forced disappearance.

Sunai highlighted that the intensifying problem was because most countries in Southeast Asia adhered to the principle that the state cannot be challenged or checked, so many countries in the region had laws to limit freedom of speech and expression. This was aimed at controlling activism in their countries and in many cases, the effort to silence the opposition voices cost lives.

He said many people, who tried to expose the misconduct of the government or big companies, were subjected to criminal lawsuits.

He cited the experiences of Pornpen Khongkachonkiet for exposing the use |of torture in the deep South and Andy |Hall for revealing the use of forced labour in a giant fruit company, by using the |laws such as Computer Crime Act or defamation law.

Similar sentiments were voiced by Lao human rights activist and Sombath’s wife Shui Meng Ng, who stated that the strict regime in Laos greatly jeopardised the cause of social workers in the country.

“Because of the lack of freedom in Laos, the activists there have to work very carefully. However, I do not fear prosecution because I am not working against the government, I am just seeking justice for my husband and promoting human rights,” Shui said.

Meanwhile, Sunai emphasised that the most important thing the state needs to understand and protect is the standard human rights of all people. It is the right of everyone to protect their resources, question the government, and guide their future, Sunai said.

Fallen activists in Asean in 2016

Bill Kayong, land rights activist, Malaysia

He campaigned for the land rights of indigenous communities and was shot dead on June 26.

Gloria Capitan, anti-coal campaigner, the Philippines

She was a prominent protester against an open coal storage facility and was shot dead on July 7.

Naw Chit Pandaing, environmental activist, Myanmar

She was a strong advocate against human right violations, land confiscation and the impacts of mining based in Dawei. She was stabbed to death on November 10.

Den Kamlae, land rights activist, Thailand

He fought for communal land rights. It is believed that he was kidnapped and killed on April 16.

Kem Ley, political commentator and activist, Cambodia

He was a popular political commentator and frequent critic of Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen. He was shot dead on July 10.

In a brief report released yesterday, the TJA said the media faced constraints in 2016, including through the special power and the orders of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), while it stated that Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha had a negative attitude towards the media.

It said the government was trying to interfere and control the media in many ways by claiming the industry needed to be reformed.

Recently, the media reform steering committee of the National Reform Steering Assembly (NRSA) deliberated on the draft bill on the rights |protection, ethical promotion and professional standards of media |professionals.

Six media organisations – including the National Press Council, the Thai Journalists Association and the Thai Broadcast Journalists Association – opposed the draft out of fear that it might result in politicians and government officials intervening in the media through members of the so-called national media council.

The draft stipulates that the permanent secretaries of four ministries as well as four representatives selected by the government are to sit on the 13-member committee. The move is deemed to be against the spirit of the new charter, which guarantees freedom of press as well as freedom of expression in accordance with ethical and professional standards.

The TJA insists on the principle of media self-regulation. It is against the bill, which would give the national media council the power to issue media licences, saying the move could lead to abuse of power.

The NRSA and the National Legislative Assembly are considering other laws that might be used to control the media including the requirement for media outlets to register with the national media council before they can operate.

Moreover, Article 44 of the interim charter gives sweeping power to the NCPO chief and was recently issued to extend the deadline for the return of radio frequencies under the military and the government by five year, as a result broadcasters will have to continue to operate under them for the next five years.

“During media reform, the government has been trying to introduce many laws as mechanisms to control, interfere or threaten freedom of the press … in many cases the media have violated media codes of ethics, giving the chance for the government to justify its claim that it needs to control the media,” the TJA said.

Meanwhile, the changing economic and technological environment has forced the media industry to adapt for survival, amid the public’s declining trust in the media.

“It is time for all media organisations and professionals improve their behaviour to earn public trust again, “ the TJA said.