Buri Ram is a political stronghold for Bhum Jai Thai and is the base of its prominent politician Newin Chidchob, who has gained greater popularity in recent years after becoming owner of the Buri Ram football club.

All eyes are on the junta and its head, General Prayut Chan-o-cha, after last week’s appointment of politician Sontaya Kunplome, who is popular in the eastern seaboard, as a political adviser. Observers believe that Prayut is wooing other politicians and creating a network of allies to support his bid to retain the premiership after the next election.

Appearing at a ceremony marking the second anniversary of the death of former PM Banharn Silpa-archa in Suphan Buri province yesterday, Anutin said he did not think the mobile Cabinet meeting had any political implications.

The excursion had been planned for several months, he said. As a local Buri Ram resident, Anutin said he would welcome Prayut to the province and he would not want anyone to link the trip to politics.

Although the junta also plans to visit Newin’s racing circuit and critics believe they may arrange a secret deal, Anutin said he believed Newin was already happy where he was.

“I don’t believe that anyone would dare to headhunt our men,” he said.

In response to concerns about Prayut’s political ambitions, the Bhum Jai Thai leader said that such an attempt would not be easy despite the junta’s current absolute power.

“In the past, Phumjai Thai has been in coalitions and we have held the interior and transport ministries. We have had state power [like the junta does now], still we didn’t quite achieve that [in the following election],” Anutin said.

“No parties can pass the election without competition. The competition depends largely on gaining the people’s trust, policies, and the hard work of the MP candidates,” Anutin said.

Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam also said that the mobile Cabinet trip to Buri Ram Province had been planned well in advance, and he denied suggestions that the junta wanted a secret meeting with local politicians.

The meeting is part of a public relations event to promote the Public Relations Department’s Happy Family Radio project, which aims to attract younger listeners to its radio station, FM 105 MHz.

The young singers will meet with the PM at his office in the morning, accompanied by Government spokesman Lt-General Sansern Kaewkamnerd, who is concurrently the PRD’s caretaker director-general.

Among the BNK48 singers to call on General Prayut are the band’s “captain” Cherprang Areekul, deputy bandleader Jennis Oprasert, Napapat Woraprueksanon, Warattaya Deesomlert, Praewa Suthampong, Kantira Watcharatassanakul, and Rinrada Inthaisong.

Named after Bangkok, the group is the Thai sister group of Japan’s idol girl group AKB48. It has 26 members as of February.

Wissanu said on Monday that he saw no need for politicians to learn about the topics early.

“They don’t need to know now. The earlier they know, the quicker they reject them and start criticising. That will only spoil the atmosphere,” he said.

“When the time comes, they will know that they have to join the meeting, or they will be left behind. It’s better for them to wait. Certainly, they will know the meeting is useful.”

The National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has scheduled a meeting with representatives from political parties in June, citing the need to settle any problems that may affect their preparations for the next general election. Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, who heads the NCPO, initiated the talks, in line with a junta order issued last year.

Wissanu, who is in charge of the government’s legal affairs, said that even though no political parties had so far opted to attend the gathering, the NCPO and its organs would convene the meeting. He said that the NCPO Order No 53/2560 stated that the NCPO “may invite” political parties to attend the meeting.

ON A RAINY morning last week, a handful of supporters came to the Democrat Party’s headquarters to confirm their membership, a requirement under the new Political Parties Act.

The country’s oldest political party weathered thousands of heavy downpours and dozens of rainy seasons before celebrating its 72nd anniversary on April 6. Its headquarters has stood solidly at its current location on Setsiri Road for almost four decades.

During all those years, many historical events – both happy and sorry – have taken place here. Cheers went up all around when the Democrats won an election and became the government. Tears and silence dominated the building after news of election losses.

Over its long history, the party has often been criticised as “bureaucratic”, “conservative” and “only good at talking”.

And now the Democrats aim to rebrand with a “fresh” selling point in an attempt to win the hearts of voters before the next election.

Trying hard to get rid of those criticisms, party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva marked the party’s 72nd anniversary celebrations with an announcement of a “new era” by highlighting liberal democracy as its core value and distancing the party from the junta, which is looking to stay longer in power.

Abhisit said recently that liberal democracy has been the party’s main ideology since its inception and, that is why it had been accepted into the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats – a regional alliance that Abhisit chairs.

The Democrats admit that the criticisms result from a “historical burden” – some past mistakes they could not correct.

Democrat deputy leader Ongart Klampaiboon said that after 72 years of existence, the party needed to review itself because Thai society and the world have changed dynamically.

“We need to identify who we are and we have chosen to embrace liberal democracy to move society forward,” Ongart told The Nation in a recent interview.

However, observers doubt whether this new selling point of liberal democracy will turn into actual votes at the ballot box.

“It is just ‘political discourse’ created by the Democrats – something they are good at,” said Yuttaporn Issarachai, a political scientist at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University.

“Such a political style may not be able to attract voters, because they look beyond the election to what is more relevant to their daily lives,” he added.

To be liberal democrats, they need to talk about human rights or gender equality, but the Democrats have never been able to respond to such issues, the academic noted.

The party has failed to win any general election since 1992. Critics say the Democrats’ political style and structure are major hurdles for it to become a true choice for everyone.

As a long-established party, it is well known for its one-dimensional politics, using rhetoric in Parliament and localism, especially in the South, Yuttaporn said.

Moreover, decision-making has often been dominated by the party’s key politicians from the South, which is its major stronghold, Yuttaporn said.

Key party figures from other regions, – even Abhisit, whose political base is in Bangkok – need to depend on the help of “symbols of the South” such as chief party adviser Chuan Leekpai, or former secretary-general Suthep Thaugsuban.

Anti-dictatorship 

While highlighting liberal democracy, the party has kept its stance against dictatorship, Ongart said. And that is one of the Democrats’ weak points.

Whenever they spoke out loud against dictatorship, as Abhisit did firmly in his speech on the party’s anniversary recently, it always came back to haunt them. This is because, in the eyes of many critics, what the party has said and what it has done have been totally opposite.

Former Democrat deputy leader Alongkorn Ponlaboot said it’s normal for politicians to show that they are democratic as an election draws near.

But for Abhisit, this may be difficult, because some of his own and his party’s stances in the past have raised doubts among the public and critics, Alongkorn added.

Yuttaporn made the same point. He said the party could not avoid the fact that some of its members, including the leader, had joined the protests in 2013 held by the People’s Democratic Reform Council (PDRC) under Suthep Thaugsuban’s leadership. These protests paved the way for the coup staged by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, who was then the Army chief, to oust the elected Pheu Thai-led government.

Moreover, many of their members resigned from the party at that time to join the PDRC in an attempt to distinguish their roles, but now they had returned to the Democrats.

As a huge challenge lies ahead, Yuttaporn suggested that the Democrats restructure to be more responsive to new political dimensions, adding more new and younger members, and conducting a new party line.

“The most important thing is not to play attacking politics [against rivals] and not to be too conservative, but to look forward – and this will enable more people to easily get access to the party,” he said.

Alongkorn, who left the party almost four years ago, suggested that Abhisit focus on new themes to communicate with the public. For example, rather than talking about his opposition to dictatorship, which was an old theme, he should talk about how to reform the economy with new technology or how to use blockchain technology or digital trading to elevate the public sector and people’s quality of life.

“Abhisit is smart and well aware of the modern world. He needs to cross over the past and old politics and create a new mindset, then he will be able to move a step forward to become an alternative choice,” he said.

In Alongkorn’s view, whether Abhisit will continue his leadership position, the party’s stance towards democracy and the relationship between the party and Prayut government will all have an impact on the election result.

Observers want to know whether the Democrats, who have very little chance of winning the next election outright, would support Prayut to become the next prime minister or join hands with the Pheu Thai Party to fight against any attempt to prolong the junta’s power after the election.

Burden of history 

In defending his party, Ongart argued: “It’s not unusual that the Democrats are criticised about their ‘democrat-ness’. It is not a ‘stigma’. We can explain it.

“Those [criticisms] are just ‘political discourse’ that we cannot avoid in a democratic society. And we cannot change people’s attitudes or beliefs within a short period of time.”

The existing parties are facing more difficulties than new parties because the former have “the burden of history” while the latter have none, he said.

Under the new era, the party also joined the trend of promoting fresh and young blood as new hopes for Thai politics in order to attract the youth vote. The new era of the party will see a mix of experienced politicians and enthusiastic young people who could help sustain the Democrats, Ongart added. “In fact, we do not ignore the young bloods. We have introduced many of them to work in the party,” he said. He cited the examples of Abhisit, who joined the party at the 1992 election, and Akanat Promphan, stepson of Suthep, who ran as an MP candidate in the 2011 election.

But critics say these new members may be moulded by veteran party members who will stick to the old-fashioned political perspective.

“Abhisit used to be the new hope when he was first introduced by the party in 1992 as a candidate for MP in Bangkok, but he could not do much [to improve the party],” Yuttaporn said.

The analyst was not even certain that a new blood like Abhisit’s young nephew Parit Wacharasindhu, who recently sold his idea of promoting liberal democracy as a cure for what ails the country, would be able to bring change to the party.

According to the new law governing political parties, they must hold a general meeting to select their party executives within 90 days after the junta lifts its political ban, which is expected any time after June.

The Democrats have decided to add a leadership race to that selection process.

The primary vote for party executives “is a very new thing for political parties and we think no other party will want to employ the means,” said Democrat Party deputy leader Ongart Klampaiboon, Putting the leader position up for a vote “would be the most democratic way,” he said.

The idea came from current party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva, who insisted that it would help maximise participation and engagement within the party and help members feel that they owned the party, the deputy leader said.

Historically, Thai parties have held conventions composed of representatives of designated groups to choose their party leaders and executives. For the Democrats, around 300 representatives of an estimated over 2 million party members would gather and spend most of one day casting ballots and counting the results.

The idea to directly elect the leader faced some resistance when it was debated, Ongart said. Some feared the potential for abuse, such as the party being hijacked if its popularity was very high in the future. People could be mobilised to apply for party memberships in order to vote for a candidate for the leader’s post, he said.

The party is expected to allow members to use mobile devices to cast their votes for the party leader, reflecting party policy to use technology to promote democracy.

Current party members can confirm their membership status via an application called D-Connect from April 1 to 30.

Ongart said that so far there was no sign that Abhisit, who has served in the position for 12 years in three terms, would be replaced.

Former party leader Chuan won’t return because he did not think the party needs a saviour, Ongart added.

Somchai told reporters he had written to the chairman of the selection committee late last week about his decision to withdraw his application.

He said his decision came after he was notified that he lacked a qualification to apply for the job. His past position as a vice-rector at Thammasat University did not qualify as a “primary executive position” – a requirement set by the EC.

Somchai said that he believed that this requirement was higher than that stipulated in the Election Commission Act. However, he decided not to bring his case to the Administrative Court as that would further delay the selection of the new EC secretary-general.

“People in power may not want me to work in the Election Commission’s Office. I am straightforward and often criticise whatever is not right, with no fear or reluctance,” Somchai said.

“I don’t want to put the selection committee and the remaining four election commissioners in a difficult position. So, my withdrawal should be the best way out in this situation.”

In March, Somchai was removed as an EC member at the order of General Prayut Chan-o-cha, who invoked his special powers as head of the ruling junta, the National Council for Peace and Order. The removal order cited Somchai’s “inappropriate comments” deemed to have confused the public about election schedules.

Earlier, Somchai had opted to remain as an election commissioner after announcing his intention to stand as a candidate for the new position of EC secretary-general.

In the song issued a few days before Songkran, the junta chief who enjoys penning lyrics pledges to work hard for the country no matter how hard his critics gnash at him.

“Every day I’m tired,” sings the soldier who was recruited to handle the vocals, “but I keep it all inside, because my heart tells me to work for the nation.”

This is the sixth of Prayut’s compositions since he led the military coup in May 2014. “Fight for the Nation” seeks to capitalise on the massive success of the TV soap opera “Buppesanivas” (“Love Destiny”), whose theme song it resembles, and in fact composer Wichien Tantipimonpan arranged both.

There are also similarities to Prayut’s previous releases, “Returning Happiness to the People”, “Because You’re Thailand”, “Hope and Faith”, “Bridge” and “Diamond Heart”, in that all share a theme of fostering national unity. The general is fond of portraying himself as a “superhero” who’s ready to resolve the nation’s conflicts.

The music critics have not been kind.

The video version of the last tune, “Diamond Heart”, was first shown on Army-run Channel 5 on February 9. As of its updating last week, 6,752 of the 425,000-plus viewers had clicked on the upward-pointing thumb, but nearly 45,900 didn’t care for it. The rest were presumably too scared to vote, or too wise. “Fight for the Nation” appeared on April 9 and, by the time it was updated on April 20, it had drawn 31,334 views, along with 224 likes and 1,256 dislikes.

Assistant Professor Pandit Chanrochanakit, deputy dean of political science at Chulalongkorn University, said it’s normal for national leaders to seek out popular ways of communicating with the public, citing US President Donald Trump’s preference for Twitter.

But Prayut’s songs are “state propaganda”, Dr Pandit told The Sunday Nation.

“Each song has had a specific message to communicate at a particular time. The government-run TV pool airs the messages daily, forcing the audience to hear his propaganda, and that diminishes our freedom. People with more liberal attitudes just turn it off and turn to alternative channels or the social media, where there are young activists performing anti-junta songs.”

Dr Thanom Chapakdee, a lecturer with Srinakharinwirot University’s Art and Culture Faculty, said Prayut uses culture as a form of “soft power” to promote nationalism in conservative ways, like dressing Thai or singing pop songs.

Overt political activity is just now resuming after being banned since the 2014 coup, but arts-related socio-political activism has steadily spread both online and off. Art happenings, posters and music concerts have given voice to campaigners pressing for a return to democracy.

In some cases the authorities have reacted, arresting demonstrators outside the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre. Anti-junta artists began adopting “guerrilla” tactics to get their messages out.

Faiyen, a Thai pro-red shirt band living in exile, have released several controversial songs on YouTube and the Thairev Channel online, while the rapper known as Liberate P finds his own ways of promoting democratic ideals.

Bangkok exteriors bear the graffiti of an artist named Headache Stencil that mocks Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan about his collection of |luxury wristwatches.

Headache Stencil earns harassment headaches from the junta and his creations are scrubbed away, while others have been detained for speaking out. Faiyen have fled to a neighbouring country for safety’s sake. At Bangkok’s Ver Gallery last year, soldiers carried off the artwork of Harit Srikhao, which contrasted images of the bloody 2010 crackdown on protesters with pictures of everyday life. “My art reflects the truth – corruption, the loss of freedom under the junta,” Headache Stencil told The Sunday Nation. “It’s the artist’s most important role to mirror society’s illnesses and tell the world what Thailand is now facing.”

Another outspoken artist-activist, Vasan Sithiket, scoffs at Prayut’s musical wooing of the public. “Singing songs can’t solve the country’s problem,” he said. “While the junta leader sings his propaganda, we voice the suffering of the people through our art. And the voices will grow louder because there are more and more artists echoing criticism about what the junta has done.”

The military has seized power 12 times since the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932. Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat staged a coup in 1957 and was prime minister until his death in 1963. General Prayut has been in |power almost four years, the second-longest term of any coup leader.

Prayut’s first song as PM, “Returning Happiness to the People”, was designed to promote better relations between the military and the people after the coup. It becomes ironic in retrospect, with the election continuously postponed in the interim and now scheduled for February.

“A song is only a tool for communicating with the people – it doesn’t resolve the country’s conflict,” commented Associate Professor Pandit, “An election is the key to that problem.”

The report, released on Friday local time in Washington DC, said that numerous National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) decrees limiting civil liberties remained in effect during the year. NCPO Order No 3/2015, which replaced martial law in March 2015, grants the military government sweeping power to curb “acts deemed harmful to national peace and stability”, it said.

Political prisoners and detainees were highlighted in the report, which noted that the NCPO routinely detained those who expressed political views. The report said that, as of August, the Department of Corrections had reported 135 persons were detained or imprisoned in the country under lese majeste laws. Human rights groups have claimed that the prosecutions and convictions of several lese majeste offenders were politically motivated. Police arrested student activist Jatupat “Pai Dao Din” Boonpattararaksa in December 2016 for sharing on Facebook a link to a Thai-language BBC profile of the new monarch that allegedly contained defamatory information. In addition to limitations on civil liberties imposed by the NCPO, other significant human rights issues included: excessive use of force by government security forces, including harassing or abusing criminal suspects, detainees and prisoners; arbitrary arrests and detention by government authorities; abuses by government security forces confronting the continuing ethnic Malay-Muslim insurgency in the southernmost provinces; corruption; sexual exploitation of children; and human trafficking.

The report said that while the authorities had taken steps to investigate and punish officials who abused human rights, official impunity continued to be a problem, especially in the southernmost provinces.

The report detailed many cases of disappearance in different contexts, such as that of Pholachi “Billy” Rakchongcharoen, a prominent Karen human rights defender missing since 2014, and activist Withipong “Koh Tee” Kodthammakul.

Prayut said he was well aware of the concerns but urged the public to open their minds to accept good benefits from the collaboration, Government spokesman Lt-General Sansern Kaewkamnerd said yesterday. Alibaba Group has committed to invest a total of Bt11 billion in Thailand in a move that Prayut said could benefit the country’s small farmers and rural enterprises due to the firm’s expertise in diverse technology.

Jack Ma, Alibaba’s co-founder and executive chairman, and Thai authorities on Thursday signed four memorandums of understanding (MoUs), marking the start of Alibaba’s significant investment in Thailand’s much-heralded Eastern Economic Corridor (EEC) as well as a related “Smart City” project. Other signed agreements involved tourism promotion, digital economy and human resource development programmes.

As part of the collaboration, Alibaba and the Thai Commerce Ministry launched the first official Thai rice flagship store on T-mall, the world’s largest third-party platform for brands and retailers which has access to over 1.4 billion Chinese consumers, besides driving the sale of popular Thai fruits into China.

E-commerce expert Pawoot Pongvitayapanu yesterday welcomed Alibaba’s investment in Thailand but he also suggested that Thai authorities and entrepreneurs adjust their business strategy.

“Thai retail business will totally fall into the hands of foreign businesspeople in the next five to 10 years with huge foreign investments and connectivity to the world via the gradual growth of the Internet,” said Pawoot, who is president of the Thai E-commerce Association, on his Facebook page.

Hence, Thai entrepreneurs and business must adjust themselves to online and expand their businesses to global market, he said.

“You [Thai entrepreneurs] should remind that we are no longer competing with our compatriots,” he said.

As for the government, he said it should push more export of Thai goods to China and delay importing from China through creative means. He added that the government should also find experts on online trade to systematically push for that kind of business.

In response to criticism, Sansern yesterday said the PM had ordered the economic team to balance economic competition.

“While carefully considering the appropriation of benefits for foreign investors, we have to protect Thai investors and SMEs as well,” the government spokesman said.

The premier also suggested that Thai business owners adapt themselves to cope with the competition, viewing it as a challenge rather than an obstacle, Sansern said.

Its present main goal, many observers and politicians agree, appears to be ensuring that General Prayut Chan-o-cha comes back as head of government after the next election, which he promised would take place “no later than” February next year.

In attempting to regain political control after the election, the junta may want to continue with its policies and projects that are still incomplete.

There are two main “formulas” that could help General Prayut come back as prime minister.

First, he could return as an outsider in a second round of parliamentary voting to select the prime minister if the 500-member House of Representatives fails to reach an agreement among the political party candidates. This way, he would need support from all of the 250 junta-appointed senators plus as many MPs as possible, at least 125. Support from half of both Houses – 375 votes – is required.

Another option is for Prayut to become the prime ministerial candidate for a particular political party. This way, he could be selected as PM in the first round of voting in the Lower House if he gets enough support. However, that party would have to win at least 25 House seats in order to be eligible to nominate a candidate for prime minister.

For the junta, the second one is a “safer” option, as it is possible that the major political parties – Pheu Thai and Democrat – will join forces to try to prevent a second round of voting to select the PM. Whichever way they choose, the junta will need support from politicians. Recent moves by Prayut and other junta figures have indicated that they are extending the hands of friendship to different groups of politicians who collectively have the potential to “make their dream come true”.

Over the past months, the junta leader has met leaders of those political parties and factions on different occasions. Government actions have been taken to benefit those groups, including state funding being injected into their areas of interest and their people being appointed to government jobs. Critics view these moves as “deposits” in exchange for future favours.

At least eight political factions and small and medium-sized parties have enjoyed “special”, cosy ties with the junta. They are the Sasomsap faction in Pheu Thai Party, the Wang Nam Yom and Baan Rim Nam groups, another group led by former kingmaker Suthep Thaugsuban, as well as Chart Thai Pattana, Phalang Chon, Bhum Jai Thai and Chart Pattana parties. All four parties have a long history of always being coalition-government partners. Those factions and parties are dominant in their local areas or regions, each winning from fewer than 10 to a few dozen House seats in past elections. Yet, together they could easily win more than 100 House seats and would prove helpful to Prayut’s premiership bid – particularly if they join forces with a new political party that appoints the junta leader as its PM candidate.

Preparations are under way to set up that particular party, which is expected to be led by key members of the government’s economic team, including Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak, Industry Minister Uttama Savanayana, and Commerce Minister Sontirat Sontijirawong.

Stithorn Thananithichot, a senior researcher at King Prajadhipok’s Institute, said the junta would need voter support when contesting the election, so it would have to rely on politicians who already have an established support base.

He viewed the recent political appointments as a “good sign” that the election is drawing near.

“It is clear that General Prayut is moving towards the election. Those politicians are going to help the NCPO government with election matters,” the researcher said.

Prayut admitted that the past week’s appointment of Phalang Chon leader Sontaya Kunplome as his adviser was to help him with political matters. Critics expect more similar “political rewards” in the future.