The Constitutional Court agreed to review the matter two weeks ago, but despite widespread concern about a further election delay, authorities have yet to specify when a verdict will be delivered.

The organic law governing political parties became a subject of complaint due to an amendment brought by the controversial junta order No 53/60. It, for instance, requires members of political parties to confirm their membership or lose their status within this month. The Pheu Thai and Democrat parties separately took the matter to the Ombudsman’s office, calling for it to petition the Constitutional Court. Both parties complained that the amendment deprived party members of their rights and hence was unconstitutional.

The Constitutional Court earlier this month requested a further explanation to be submitted yesterday.

Democrat legal official Wirat Kalayasiri told The Nation that, besides its argument about rights and freedom, the party also presented to the court examples of the difficulties it has been facing in the past month in the confirmation of membership status.

The requirement for parties to have their members reconfirm their status has cost parties a number of members. Chart Thai Pattana Party, for instance, has only about 2,000 members who have already registered. Previously, the Suphanburi-based party had over 20,000 members. In part, they argued that the confirmation process had been made especially difficult because of the number of public holidays in April.

The court also required the plaintiff concerning the constitutionality of the MPs election organic law to submit further explanation by yesterday. Reportedly, the National Legislative Assembly was represented by some Parliament officials, who submitted an explanation letter in the morning.

The major concerns involve the ban on voters who fail to turn up from becoming political office-holders, and the provision of assistance to people with special needs at the polling booth.

A National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) meeting yesterday also agreed in principle on an aid package for digital television broadcasters with its implementation yet to be decided, said government spokesman Sansern Kaewkamnerd.

Last week, the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) rejected the list of NBTC candidates on grounds that many were not qualified. The process to select a fresh set of commissioners will not begin until a new NCPO order is delivered, according to an announcement in the Royal Gazette yesterday.

Incumbent NBTC commissioners are expected to go ahead with the planned auction of 1800 MHz spectrum slots in the middle of this year, said Takorn Tantasith, NBTC secretary-general.

Prime Minister Prayut declined to elaborate about the implementation of the aid package for financially troubled digital TV operators.

Earlier, NBTC proposals to help both the broadcasting and telecom sectors were heavily criticised for “unfair treatment” that resulted in a delay to the NCPO order to help struggling digital TV operators.

Under the new aid package, the 13 digital TV licensees, who had earlier petitioned Prayut and the NCPO for help, will see their next three annual payments of licence fees suspended. These were due in 2018, 2019 and 2020.

However, licensees must pay 1.5-per-cent interest per annum on the amounts until they are paid in following years.

Second, the NBTC will subsidise the expenses for broadcasting facilities for a two-year period.

Third, licensees will be allowed to transfer their digital TV licences to other investors, which is not legally possible at the moment.

Suparb Kleekajai, president of the digital TV operators’ association, said the aid package will give a new lease of life to struggling operators over the next few years, while the proposal to allow licence transfer will increase flexibility in managing the viability of businesses.

A total of 24 companies were granted digital TV licences in 2013 but two opted out with a court order due to heavy losses.

Of these remaining 22 licensees, 13 have sought financial help from the government due to an oversupply of digital TV channels and advertising revenue slowdown.

In addition, the growth of social media has affected revenues of the TV operators.

The original digital TV licences have a 15-year validity with annual fees already having been paid in 2014, 2015 and 2016.

According to the new aid package, licensees will have more financial liquidity to stay afloat since the government does not want to see more TV operators go out of business.

So far the government has received about Bt33 billion out of the total Bt50 billion in licence fees that resulted from fierce competition and high bid prices in 2013.

Originally, the NBTC expected to get only Bt15 billion in licence fees from bidders.

Sansern said the NCPO had not decided on the aid package for the telecom industry as two bidders, AIS and True, had also sought financial help and new payment terms for the multibillion-baht licence fees for spectrum.

Both firms owe about Bt60 billion in combined spectrum fees to the NBTC following high bidding in the fiercely contested auction. The firms have since cited financial liquidity problems and sought a debt moratorium.

The NLA’s decision to reject the list of new NBTC candidates has attracted controversy after a leaked audio clip hinted that Prime Minister Prayut was unhappy with the list.

However, he also showed sympathy towards those politicians and former MPs who he said did not have enough opportunity to express their opinions and were neglected by their party executives.

“There is the accusation that the National Council for Peace and Order [NCPO] or the government would go and force individuals, businessmen and the people [to bend to my will]. How do I get the power to do that?” Prayut said in response to remarks made by on Abhisit on Monday.

The development came after widespread speculation that the NCPO was trying to approach politicians from different parties with a view to their joining forces to support Prayut’s return as premier following the next general election.

Abhisit said that not only members of medium-sized parties, but also those in the Democrat Party had been offered jobs in the government in exchange for their support.

Last week, Palang Chon Party leader Sontaya Khunplome was appointed a political adviser to Prayut.

Political analysts viewed the appointment as a clear sign that Palang Chon – influential in the Eastern seaboard area – would be part of a network of allies backing Prayut in the election.

Moreover, a mobile Cabinet meeting next month will take place in Buri Ram province, a political stronghold of the Phum Jai Thai Party and its popular founder and politician, Newin Chidchob.

Political observers have speculated that Prayut will try to make a deal with Phum Jai Thai during the excursion.

However, the premier said on Tuesday after the weekly Cabinet meeting that he did not want anyone to say that he was “luring politicians to join his pro-junta party”.

There was no way the pro-military party could lure anyone unless their current affiliate parties had not done their job well, Prayut suggested.

“Did they take good care of their members? Did the MPs have the chance to express their thoughts or bring the people’s demands to the table?” he asked rhetorically. “Did they give importance to the members? They didn’t do that enough, did they?”

Prayut also said he understood that all politicians wanted to do good for the country. However, they could not do that because of their party’s policies, the party leader’s policies or their supporters, he added.

But in the NCPO, nobody has such a dominant role and everyone can work freely, he insisted.

“So, go back and have a look at how you work [in your party]. It’s not your business that members are being lured. Your business is to take good care of your members,” Prayut said.

Chumphon Governor Narong Phonla-iad and Bueng Kan Governor Pisut Butsayapanpong have been named inspectors-general of the Interior Ministry.

They will be replaced respectively by Viboon Rattanapornwong and Nirat Pongsithithaworn, who are both currently the ministry’s inspectors-general.

Six other provincial governors have seen their jobs swapped in the latest transfers involving senior Interior Ministry officials.

Chiang Rai Governor Narongsak Osotthanakorn has been appointed governor of Phayao, a neighbouring northern province.

He is to be replaced by Prajon Pratchakun, who is currently the governor of Phayao.

Prachin Buri Governor Suriya Amornrojworawut has been named the new governor of Amnat Charoen, Phetchabun Governor Piboon Hatthakitkosol the new governor of Prachin Buri, Mae Hong Son Governor Suebsak Iamwijan as governor of Phetchabun, and Amnat Charoen Governor Sirirat Chum-uppakan as governor of Mae Hong Son.

The appointments, part of the bureaucratic reshuffle in the middle of the 2018 fiscal year, will become effective after obtaining royal endorsement.

Interior Minister General Anupong Paochinda declined to comment as to whether the transfers of certain governors were connected to the high road-accident death tolls in their provinces during the recent Songkran holidays.

He merely said Interior Ministry permanent secretary Chatchai Promlert had suggested the transfers for the sake of suitability regarding the ministry’s personnel.

Wissanu said yesterday that he saw no need for politicians to learn about the topics early.

“They don’t need to know now. The earlier they know, the quicker they reject them and start criticising. That will only spoil the atmosphere,” he said. “When the time comes, they will know that they have to join the meeting, or they will be left behind. It’s better for them to wait. Certainly, they will know the meeting is useful.”

The National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has scheduled a meeting with representatives from political parties in June, citing the need to settle any problems that may affect their preparations for the next general election.

Prime Minister Prayut Chanocha, who heads the NCPO, initiated the talks, in line with a junta order issued last year.

Wissanu, who is in charge of the government’s legal affairs, said that even though no political parties had so far opted to attend the gathering, the NCPO and its organs would conฌvene the meeting. He said the NCPO Order No 53/2560 stated that the NCPO “may invite” political parties to attend the meeting.

Buri Ram is a political stronghold for Bhum Jai Thai and is the base of its prominent politician Newin Chidchob, who has gained greater popularity in recent years after becoming owner of the Buri Ram football club.

All eyes are on the junta and its head, General Prayut Chan-o-cha, after last week’s appointment of politician Sontaya Kunplome, who is popular in the eastern seaboard, as a political adviser. Observers believe that Prayut is wooing other politicians and creating a network of allies to support his bid to retain the premiership after the next election.

Appearing at a ceremony marking the second anniversary of the death of former PM Banharn Silpa-archa in Suphan Buri province yesterday, Anutin said he did not think the mobile Cabinet meeting had any political implications.

The excursion had been planned for several months, he said. As a local Buri Ram resident, Anutin said he would welcome Prayut to the province and he would not want anyone to link the trip to politics.

Although the junta also plans to visit Newin’s racing circuit and critics believe they may arrange a secret deal, Anutin said he believed Newin was already happy where he was.

“I don’t believe that anyone would dare to headhunt our men,” he said.

In response to concerns about Prayut’s political ambitions, the Bhum Jai Thai leader said that such an attempt would not be easy despite the junta’s current absolute power.

“In the past, Phumjai Thai has been in coalitions and we have held the interior and transport ministries. We have had state power [like the junta does now], still we didn’t quite achieve that [in the following election],” Anutin said.

“No parties can pass the election without competition. The competition depends largely on gaining the people’s trust, policies, and the hard work of the MP candidates,” Anutin said.

Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam also said that the mobile Cabinet trip to Buri Ram Province had been planned well in advance, and he denied suggestions that the junta wanted a secret meeting with local politicians.

The meeting is part of a public relations event to promote the Public Relations Department’s Happy Family Radio project, which aims to attract younger listeners to its radio station, FM 105 MHz.

The young singers will meet with the PM at his office in the morning, accompanied by Government spokesman Lt-General Sansern Kaewkamnerd, who is concurrently the PRD’s caretaker director-general.

Among the BNK48 singers to call on General Prayut are the band’s “captain” Cherprang Areekul, deputy bandleader Jennis Oprasert, Napapat Woraprueksanon, Warattaya Deesomlert, Praewa Suthampong, Kantira Watcharatassanakul, and Rinrada Inthaisong.

Named after Bangkok, the group is the Thai sister group of Japan’s idol girl group AKB48. It has 26 members as of February.

Wissanu said on Monday that he saw no need for politicians to learn about the topics early.

“They don’t need to know now. The earlier they know, the quicker they reject them and start criticising. That will only spoil the atmosphere,” he said.

“When the time comes, they will know that they have to join the meeting, or they will be left behind. It’s better for them to wait. Certainly, they will know the meeting is useful.”

The National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has scheduled a meeting with representatives from political parties in June, citing the need to settle any problems that may affect their preparations for the next general election. Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, who heads the NCPO, initiated the talks, in line with a junta order issued last year.

Wissanu, who is in charge of the government’s legal affairs, said that even though no political parties had so far opted to attend the gathering, the NCPO and its organs would convene the meeting. He said that the NCPO Order No 53/2560 stated that the NCPO “may invite” political parties to attend the meeting.

ON A RAINY morning last week, a handful of supporters came to the Democrat Party’s headquarters to confirm their membership, a requirement under the new Political Parties Act.

The country’s oldest political party weathered thousands of heavy downpours and dozens of rainy seasons before celebrating its 72nd anniversary on April 6. Its headquarters has stood solidly at its current location on Setsiri Road for almost four decades.

During all those years, many historical events – both happy and sorry – have taken place here. Cheers went up all around when the Democrats won an election and became the government. Tears and silence dominated the building after news of election losses.

Over its long history, the party has often been criticised as “bureaucratic”, “conservative” and “only good at talking”.

And now the Democrats aim to rebrand with a “fresh” selling point in an attempt to win the hearts of voters before the next election.

Trying hard to get rid of those criticisms, party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva marked the party’s 72nd anniversary celebrations with an announcement of a “new era” by highlighting liberal democracy as its core value and distancing the party from the junta, which is looking to stay longer in power.

Abhisit said recently that liberal democracy has been the party’s main ideology since its inception and, that is why it had been accepted into the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats – a regional alliance that Abhisit chairs.

The Democrats admit that the criticisms result from a “historical burden” – some past mistakes they could not correct.

Democrat deputy leader Ongart Klampaiboon said that after 72 years of existence, the party needed to review itself because Thai society and the world have changed dynamically.

“We need to identify who we are and we have chosen to embrace liberal democracy to move society forward,” Ongart told The Nation in a recent interview.

However, observers doubt whether this new selling point of liberal democracy will turn into actual votes at the ballot box.

“It is just ‘political discourse’ created by the Democrats – something they are good at,” said Yuttaporn Issarachai, a political scientist at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University.

“Such a political style may not be able to attract voters, because they look beyond the election to what is more relevant to their daily lives,” he added.

To be liberal democrats, they need to talk about human rights or gender equality, but the Democrats have never been able to respond to such issues, the academic noted.

The party has failed to win any general election since 1992. Critics say the Democrats’ political style and structure are major hurdles for it to become a true choice for everyone.

As a long-established party, it is well known for its one-dimensional politics, using rhetoric in Parliament and localism, especially in the South, Yuttaporn said.

Moreover, decision-making has often been dominated by the party’s key politicians from the South, which is its major stronghold, Yuttaporn said.

Key party figures from other regions, – even Abhisit, whose political base is in Bangkok – need to depend on the help of “symbols of the South” such as chief party adviser Chuan Leekpai, or former secretary-general Suthep Thaugsuban.

Anti-dictatorship 

While highlighting liberal democracy, the party has kept its stance against dictatorship, Ongart said. And that is one of the Democrats’ weak points.

Whenever they spoke out loud against dictatorship, as Abhisit did firmly in his speech on the party’s anniversary recently, it always came back to haunt them. This is because, in the eyes of many critics, what the party has said and what it has done have been totally opposite.

Former Democrat deputy leader Alongkorn Ponlaboot said it’s normal for politicians to show that they are democratic as an election draws near.

But for Abhisit, this may be difficult, because some of his own and his party’s stances in the past have raised doubts among the public and critics, Alongkorn added.

Yuttaporn made the same point. He said the party could not avoid the fact that some of its members, including the leader, had joined the protests in 2013 held by the People’s Democratic Reform Council (PDRC) under Suthep Thaugsuban’s leadership. These protests paved the way for the coup staged by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, who was then the Army chief, to oust the elected Pheu Thai-led government.

Moreover, many of their members resigned from the party at that time to join the PDRC in an attempt to distinguish their roles, but now they had returned to the Democrats.

As a huge challenge lies ahead, Yuttaporn suggested that the Democrats restructure to be more responsive to new political dimensions, adding more new and younger members, and conducting a new party line.

“The most important thing is not to play attacking politics [against rivals] and not to be too conservative, but to look forward – and this will enable more people to easily get access to the party,” he said.

Alongkorn, who left the party almost four years ago, suggested that Abhisit focus on new themes to communicate with the public. For example, rather than talking about his opposition to dictatorship, which was an old theme, he should talk about how to reform the economy with new technology or how to use blockchain technology or digital trading to elevate the public sector and people’s quality of life.

“Abhisit is smart and well aware of the modern world. He needs to cross over the past and old politics and create a new mindset, then he will be able to move a step forward to become an alternative choice,” he said.

In Alongkorn’s view, whether Abhisit will continue his leadership position, the party’s stance towards democracy and the relationship between the party and Prayut government will all have an impact on the election result.

Observers want to know whether the Democrats, who have very little chance of winning the next election outright, would support Prayut to become the next prime minister or join hands with the Pheu Thai Party to fight against any attempt to prolong the junta’s power after the election.

Burden of history 

In defending his party, Ongart argued: “It’s not unusual that the Democrats are criticised about their ‘democrat-ness’. It is not a ‘stigma’. We can explain it.

“Those [criticisms] are just ‘political discourse’ that we cannot avoid in a democratic society. And we cannot change people’s attitudes or beliefs within a short period of time.”

The existing parties are facing more difficulties than new parties because the former have “the burden of history” while the latter have none, he said.

Under the new era, the party also joined the trend of promoting fresh and young blood as new hopes for Thai politics in order to attract the youth vote. The new era of the party will see a mix of experienced politicians and enthusiastic young people who could help sustain the Democrats, Ongart added. “In fact, we do not ignore the young bloods. We have introduced many of them to work in the party,” he said. He cited the examples of Abhisit, who joined the party at the 1992 election, and Akanat Promphan, stepson of Suthep, who ran as an MP candidate in the 2011 election.

But critics say these new members may be moulded by veteran party members who will stick to the old-fashioned political perspective.

“Abhisit used to be the new hope when he was first introduced by the party in 1992 as a candidate for MP in Bangkok, but he could not do much [to improve the party],” Yuttaporn said.

The analyst was not even certain that a new blood like Abhisit’s young nephew Parit Wacharasindhu, who recently sold his idea of promoting liberal democracy as a cure for what ails the country, would be able to bring change to the party.

According to the new law governing political parties, they must hold a general meeting to select their party executives within 90 days after the junta lifts its political ban, which is expected any time after June.

The Democrats have decided to add a leadership race to that selection process.

The primary vote for party executives “is a very new thing for political parties and we think no other party will want to employ the means,” said Democrat Party deputy leader Ongart Klampaiboon, Putting the leader position up for a vote “would be the most democratic way,” he said.

The idea came from current party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva, who insisted that it would help maximise participation and engagement within the party and help members feel that they owned the party, the deputy leader said.

Historically, Thai parties have held conventions composed of representatives of designated groups to choose their party leaders and executives. For the Democrats, around 300 representatives of an estimated over 2 million party members would gather and spend most of one day casting ballots and counting the results.

The idea to directly elect the leader faced some resistance when it was debated, Ongart said. Some feared the potential for abuse, such as the party being hijacked if its popularity was very high in the future. People could be mobilised to apply for party memberships in order to vote for a candidate for the leader’s post, he said.

The party is expected to allow members to use mobile devices to cast their votes for the party leader, reflecting party policy to use technology to promote democracy.

Current party members can confirm their membership status via an application called D-Connect from April 1 to 30.

Ongart said that so far there was no sign that Abhisit, who has served in the position for 12 years in three terms, would be replaced.

Former party leader Chuan won’t return because he did not think the party needs a saviour, Ongart added.