Military chiefs call for more robots for national security

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Military-chiefs-call-for-more-robots-for-national–30289128.html

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THE 26-kilogram, rectangular Portable Rescue Robot (PRR) stretched its manipulator arm, complete with a night vision camera, to surveil the area. With a wireless control system and two additional blades in front, the PRR showed off its ability to move freely in hostile terrain.

The display was performed in front of veteran military officers and weapons experts who met at a recent seminar on the development of military technology.

Mahanakorn University of Technology developed the robot, one of several robot prototypes that experts are collaboratively trying to develop to support national security missions.

Using robots, especially for bomb retrieval missions, has long been considered by the Thai military.

Over the recent decade, Thailand has seen both the Southern insurgency and terrorism plaguing national security, said Sqn Leader Jiradett Kerdsri, director of data and communication division of the Defence Technology Institute (DTI).

“While insurgency and explosions are ongoing in the South, the dreadful bombing in August last year at Ratchaprasong intersection, the heart of Bangkok city, also irked state security,” he said.

Such troubles affect the country’s tourism, economy and trustworthiness, Jiradett said.

“Foreign investors and tourists won’t risk coming to a hazardous territory,” he said.

It is essential, he added, for the DTI to select much-needed defence technology to be developed to serve the country’s security goals.

Inventing bomb retrieval robots is part of the DTI’s research plan initiated in 2009 to promote self-reliance in terms of national security and reduce the need to procure defence systems and equipment from other countries, said General Sompong Mukdaskul, DTI director-general.

Since its official establishment seven years ago, the DTI, under Ministry of Defence (MoD) oversight, has carried out five defence technology research plans focusing on rockets, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), simulation technology, infantry fighting vehicles (IFVs), and military information and communication technology.

The DTI’s prototypes in each category have been distributed to the three branches of the Armed Forces – Army, Navy and Air Force – and the police.

When the DTI began supplying defence forces with equipment and systems, Sompong found that each user had different technology requirements. To meet those requirements, the DTI needed to listen to what users required before research began, he added.

“Collecting feedback and comments from military and police authorities is the DTI’s normal practice before and after each piece of defence equipment is unveiled,” the director-general said.

The PRR’s recent demonstration, and that of its robotic colleagues, in front of veteran officers and experts was part of that feedback process to fulfil the ambition to build sophisticated robots that can help to keep people safe in the field.

Air Force representatives told the seminar that the force needs robots that support remote operations with wireless and fibre optic control systems. The force has to patrol remote, inaccessible areas where land mines are a danger that could be mitigated by capable remote control robots, said Wing Commander Navin Vudhironnarith, deputy chief of the Air Force’s Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) force.

The robots also need to be lightweight with fire-suppression systems, including recoilless water jets, for safety, he added.

The Army, on the other hand, needs user-friendly robots with very high capabilities, said Colonel Krittipas Cruanate, chief of the Army’s EOD.

“A single robot should not have all the functions. Some tasks do not need a full, heavy scanning system. Only reliable and enduring sensors and portable X-rays are necessary,” he said

The colonel, who has seen numerous officers and ordinary people killed in bombings in the Southern violence, said robots are necessary because they could help to reduce fatalities explosive disposal missions. “If we’d had high-tech robotics to carry out deadly missions, people and authorities would not have died,” he said.

To accomplish this new technological mission, participants agreed that academic institutions play a crucial role in developing new innovations because they act as centres of “know how” bringing together scholars and experts, Sompong said.

“Education institutions have performed tonnes of research but have no chance to apply their studies [in real situations],” he said.

The DTI director-general said he sees potential for knowledge transfers between these institutions and his agency.

“Their knowledge needs to be transferred and applied to the DTI’s work. By doing this, they have an opportunity to further develop their technology and it saves time for us to conduct research on the robots,” he said.

In addition to educational institutions, the industrial sector also has the potential to contribute to robotics projects.

To pioneer useful robots, industrial stakeholders need to get involved in terms of manufacturing, said Djitt Laowattana, lecturer at King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thon Buri and founder and director of the Institute of Field Robotics (FIBO).

Djitt said industry is important because of its expertise in effectively managing resources in manufacturing and, especially, marketing and distribution.

The DTI knows how to invent technology but does not specialise in managing resources and budgets, he said.

The government’s support is required to entice the public sector to become more involved in robotics development, he added.

The government should catalyse the industry by introducing a “local materials” requirement to promote companies to use components available in the country, rather than imported ones, Djitt said, adding companies that utilise local materials should get government incentives. That would encourage others to adopt more technology and robotic components made in Thailand, he said.

When robots are produced and sold on a large scale, the lecturer said, the robotics industry would increasingly grow, leading innovators and manufacturers to become eager to help to produce defence systems contributing to national security.

“I just hope that future robots answer the needs of defence suppliers. [We should] not just launch [the idea] and then put it on a shelf after our lengthy discussion today,” Sompong said. “And I just hope that the bomb retrieval robots will eventually be practical and meet international standards.”

More questions than answers on draft

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

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Heads of local governmental agencies are trained as “Kru Khoh” campaigners to help disseminate information about the charter content in Samut Sakhon last week.

Heads of local governmental agencies are trained as “Kru Khoh” campaigners to help disseminate information about the charter content in Samut Sakhon last week.

Many officials seem out of their depth at 7-hour cdc session on new charter

Fluorescent lights on the ceiling were turned on, dimly revealing a conference room inside Samut Sakhon City Hall filled with long tables lined up one after another.

Some seats were occupied by government officials, but several others were empty, especially those on the front rows close to a podium, where a few panellists from the Constitution Drafting Commission (CDC) and its provincial charter content dissemination trainers, known as Kru Kor, were sitting in preparation to share what they had just learned recently.

As soon as these 30-plus government officials were ready, the panellists started to “preach” the contents of the new charter.

“I think it’s going to be fine,” said an official from a district public health office in the province, who asked not to be named.

“I am intending to explain only those parts on welfare concerning public health, which are not a lot. I think I can manage [what I learned today]”. Interior Ministry officials and CDC representatives last week held a training session on charter content dissemination for some officials recruited from various district offices in this province.They would become Kru Khoh, district-based charter content mouthpieces, expected to help pass on the contents further down to community-based volunteers known as Kru Khor.

The training was in line with the CDC’s campaign held across the country in the past two weeks aimed at helping disseminate the contents of the charter door-to-door eventually, ahead of the referendum scheduled for August 7. But as observed by The Nation, the general atmosphere was rather mundane, with visible struggle to learn the lessons during the seven-hour session from time to time. This again raises the question asked by the public – whether such an approach was effective enough to help pass on the essence of the charter to voters before they cast their ballots. During those seven hours in this city hall, Kru Kor took turns speaking at the podium on their topics of expertise, following the chapters in the charter – from education rights to election methods. Each presented texts and graphics prepared by the CDC, and read aloud to the trainees, alternating with presentation of videos featuring the drafters repeatedly lecturing on similar topics.

It was much about one-way communication, apparently.

Kru Kor were apparently trying hard to pass down information as much and as effectively as possible to the trainees, but as the struggles broke their learning loop, attention was lost along the way.

At one point, some students were struggling to upload the constitution contents to their computers, while some others were staring intently at the canvas screen presenting the articles and a summary of parts of the constitution.

At another point, some were flipping pages of the given text back and forth and taking notes, trying to follow and capture the rather overwhelming lecture.

Those who failed to keep up turned to their smartphones and chatted with someone.

At a question and answer session before the wrap-up, an attentive trainee raised concerns about some terms used in the constitution and asked how they should explain them.

Off script, the trainer could hardly provide answers and just beat around the bush to get himself out of such an awkward situation.

Another trainee asked for reassurance of the referendum law’s provision of protection for them, and what risk they could be taking in possibly breaching Article 61 which prohibits influencing voting.

Udom Rathamarit, spokesman for the CDC, conceded that they have to be careful. But if they are not sure, there was a way to be on the safe side.

“Tell them, ‘We only provide you with necessary information about the charter. You should decide for yourself how you want to vote’. And you will be fine,” he said.

Somchai Suktrakulvet, senior assistant chief of Ban Paew district, expressed his frustration to The Nation, saying he did not know how to act as the constitution mouthpiece.

“So, we’re not supposed to sell the constitution or persuade voters to vote for it, or we will be punished by the referendum law.

“But what are we supposed to do exactly? Delivering just as we were trained today is like speaking of only the positive side of the draft?”

Kru Khoh should actually do a lot more homework and be able to point out also the downsides of the charter, otherwise they would just become propagandists of the regime, he said.

“I just doubt if we would do that,” he said before leaving the room with his fellow officials after the seven long hours of the charter content dissemination session and several harder questions to go home.

Spokespeople of CDC campaign

Kru Kor, Kru Khoh and Kru Khor are the terms coined by the CDC for its spokespeople following the order of the Thai alphabet.

Kru Kor are provincial officials recruited to receive training first-hand from tbona fide charter drafters, and are tasked with passing on the knowledge to Kru Khoh.

Kru Khoh are heads of government agencies at the district level and are tasked with passing on the knowledge to Kru Khor.

Kru Khor are volunteers from communities, who receive training from Kru Khoh, and will knock on the doors of their neighbours to brief them about the charter ahead of the referendum.

Asean struggles to protect labourers

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/national/Asean-struggles-to-protect-labourers-30286975.html

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Focus on skilled migrants excludes most vulnerable

THE ASEAN Community, which took effect at the end of last year, has expressed concern about the movement of skilled workers around the region.

But its interest in the unskilled labour remains poor, despite the fact that this group provides the real workforce that dominates labour flows around the region.

In 2007, Asean agreed to the Cebu Declaration, an agreement on the Protection and Promotion of Migrant Workers as a fundamental instrument to deal with such workers from other areas and nations.

In 2009, the widely-known Asean Mutual Recognition Arrangements (MRAs) were introduced, in line with the Asean Economic Community, to facilitate free movement of eight occupations for the setting up of mutual standards accepted by all Asean member states.

The MRAs were designed to serve mainly labour with acceptably high skills, considered a minority in the Asean labour market.

The Asean Secretariat admitted that the majority of workers in the region were people with a medium or lower level of skills in the informal sector.

A 2014 study by the International Labour Organisation and the Asian Development Bank found that the MRAs actually helped just 1 per cent of Asean workers.

International Organisation for Migration (IOM) regional director Nenette Motus said one of the main challenges was the lack of protection and social security. Many low-skilled labourers, especially those in “irregular situations”, were excluded from social security systems, she said.

One reason, she explained, was their position in the informal sector, which blocked workers access to social protection provided by their home or destination countries.

They also tended to have limited access to healthcare and referral services, including psychosocial support, she said.

Low-skilled workers also tended to be more vulnerable to ill-health and preventable physical injuries, she said. Many may not have had pre-departure orientation sessions, especially advice on occupational health and safety.

For special concerns regarding women migrants, she said that many were concentrated in domestic work, an area not acknowledged as a work sector and thus not fully protected as a form of labour.

“This could potentially increase the domestic migrant workers’ vulnerability to exploitation, abuse and human trafficking,” she said.

Another challenge is irregular migration between neighbouring countries in the Asean region, she said, noting that regular migration processes in receiving countries were very costly and applicants had to wait to go through. So, there were considerable numbers of employers in receiving countries willing to hire people irregularly, and pay even lower wages.

Although the Cebu Declaration has existed for more than 10 years, Asean member countries still cannot agree on a concrete instrument to protect migrant workers’ rights.

“Coherent and consistent policy on migrants remains a challenge,” Motus said, “and thus contributes to the vulnerability of migrants and the difficulty in regularising their status.”

Thailand, home to millions of migrant workers from around the region, has raised concern about security matters, although it accepts that they are needed for economic development.

“We tend to think of the economy when it comes to labour issues,” an official at the Labour Ministry said “but some may seem to forget that it is also largely about national security.”

While many are designed to facilitate labour with skills, the official revealed that his office has not considered those with lower skills.

“We’re not welcoming alien low-skilled labour, but we need to rely on them,” he admitted, reasoning that Thailand’s birth-rate has been declining and Thai citizens, overall, are getting better educated. Those trends have reduced a number of Thai in low-skilled occupations in the market, he said.

The Labour Ministry has pushed a decree on alien labour management in the country but it is still being considered by the Council of State.

The decree was designed in a bid to draw stricter lines on workers. For instance, it will stipulate that all incoming foreign workers must be approved by responsible registrars before they are able to work in the Kingdom.

Future legislation will also adopt stricter legal measures in a bid to force employers and recruitment agencies to register all foreign employees, he said.

He said the decree, while it sounds not very different from current laws, would help protect “alien” (foreign) low-skilled workers, who usually have less protection compared to people deemed to have skills, with effectively.

For Thailand to achieve greater labour management, the official said it could not be denied that the country would eventually have to look to have a more skilled workforce.

Chinese-owned banana plantations take their toll amid water scarcity

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

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Rotten bananas are dumped on the side of a road at a plantation | in Laos’ Huaixay district.

Rotten bananas are dumped on the side of a road at a plantation | in Laos’ Huaixay district.

I SMELL PLASTIC bags burning as we enter the area of the banana plantations.

There is a lot of material on fire, melting around us and leaving chemical liquid stains on the dirt road. It is clear that this track has been used as a place to incinerate garbage, including plastic, foam boxes, paper and other detritus. The banana plantation industry is a dirty one, so unlike the fresh-looking bananas we find on supermarket shelves.

I have visited the controversial banana plantations in Laos, which Chinese companies are heavily invested in, several times during the past few months. This latest visit is to Huaixay, in northern Laos’s Bokeo province.

It is a vast area of plains and hills split by a stream flowing in to the Mekong River, which skirts the border between Laos and Thailand. What is interesting is that this particular plantation is just part of a “banana kingdom” that covers a huge tract of land.

“They rented our land for 10 years. It costs Bt4,000 a year. When a contract is signed, no one knows the impacts. Just over one year ago, local villagers realised this was not what they thought,” my Lao guide explains as we walk through the plantation.

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“Chemicals have been used heavily. They leak into water sources and streams. Nowadays villages cannot use water from the streams. It is not safe.”

We see large piles of bags of chemical fertiliser waiting for the next round. Many of the used bags are scattered all over the place. We also see some kind of strong-smelling, milky-white chemical liquid in some areas.

My Lao friend tells me that at the village of Nam Oung, not far from where we are, two streams have been totally polluted by the hazardous chemicals used by banana plantations. Villagers have already tried to complain to provincial authorities.

“Most workers are Burmese or Hmong, with a wage of Bt300. I don’t see Laotians working in banana farms. No idea why. We’ve seen many workers who’ve become ill, especially with skin diseases. They cross the Mekong to Thailand for a doctor,” my friend says.

The plantation’s watering system comprises a plastic pipeline network that covers the whole site. The system relies on water from nearby streams and a few community ponds. Pumping water from communal sources did not provide an adequate supply, so the plantation owners dug their own deep wells to tap the groundwater.

But during this period of serious drought, it seems there is still not enough water for all of the banana trees. It is very obvious that the trees on the hillsides have dried up and are about to die. Those near the stream, however, look green and fertile.

“Villagers are now in trouble as their water sources have been taken away. In the past if there was a drought, we could still use water from our wells to refresh the vegetable gardens. We had something to eat. But this year it is all dried up because the groundwater has been pumped by the banana plantations. There is no more water for villagers’ vegetable gardens. When there is no food, it means villagers need to pay,” my Lao friend says.

He and the villagers here don’t feel so friendly towards the Chinese mega-farms. Asking about the reactions of local authorities, he says it is lucky that the new provincial governor has recognised the problem and banned new investment in the plantations.

“Don’t allow this kind of Chinese banana plantation in Thailand. We have had terrible lessons here in Laos. Don’t let it cross the border to Thailand,” my friend warns.

Just before this trip to Laos, I had a chance to visit a Chinese banana plantation on the Ing River, a tributary of the Mekong, in Chiang Rai’s Payamengrai district. A Chinese business has invested in the plantation, renting 2,700 rai (432 hectares) of land.

Thai authorities have not recognised such a large plantation – and no one knows if it is legal. The cultivation of bananas on the Ing has became an issue because the farm previously pumped large volumes of water from the river, creating problems for downstream communities, especially those in the Ban Ta township of Khun Tan district.

Amid the ongoing drought, the Ing River is one of only a few sources of water for sub-districts, and it has dried up partly because of the agribusiness. Villagers have lodged strong complaints with responsible state agencies. After the complaints were filed, district meetings were held and the district authority announced that pumping water from the Ing was forbidden. However, the plantation can still dig its own deep wells tapping groundwater.

“They are still using our groundwater. It is the same system underground; same body of water. This situation must be controlled by state agencies,” says Luan Pewphong, head of the Ta sub-district.

“Moreover, we are still worried about leaked chemicals in the Ing River. The banana farm is using chemicals intensely.”

Luan has filed a case before the National Human Rights Commission.

Banana trees at this farm still look to be in good condition. Experts have said the relative fertility of the land is because the plantation is in its first year and the land is still in a good natural state. However, adverse impacts are expected to be experienced in coming years.

In Laos and Thailand, communities on both banks of the Mekong are now terrified about the adverse effects of Chinese agribusiness. People’s health and the integrity of the natural environment are the first, often forgotten, casualties of this type of investment.

There has still been no official explanation by state authorities, in Thailand or in Laos, how these plantations will be regulated. Local people have been left behind to cope with this trans-border problem on their own, which is unfortunately business as usual.

 

Row heats up over body searches

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

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CALLS ARE growing louder for prison officials to strike a balance between strict measures and human rights after criticism of body cavity searches conducted on prisoners went viral.

The latest incident to grab the attention of traditional and social media relates to a cavity search conducted on a female student charged with violating the National Council for Peace and Order ban on political gatherings after she joined a train rally to the scandal-plagued Rajabhakti Park.

The directive on conducting searches on prisoners, enforced since 1936, stipulates that body searches must be carried out by someone of the same sex.

For females, if a woman prison official is not available another trusted woman can carry out the search.

Prison officials have taken a hardline approach to body searches following a number of incidents involving prisoners smuggling illegal drugs into prisons by swallowing them or inserting mobile phones into someone’s anus or vagina. Three phones have been inserted into an anus before.

Prison officials have said they do not want to carry out body cavity searches as they feel uncomfortable doing them and know prisoners feel the same. Many times they prefer to order prisoners to sit and stand many times in the hope that any inserted contraband will fall out.

National Human Right Commission secretary-general Chatchai Suthiklom said the Central Women’s Correctional Institution was a model for body searches as it followed clear guidelines on ordinary and special searches.

He said body searches must be conducted in a private setting and body cavity searches were necessary only when prison officials had reason to believe an |inmate was concealing contraband.

“Not all prisoners are subject to body cavity searches. Prisoners who are awaiting court decisions on bail must be separated from convicts but because of overcrowded jail conditions this is not possible,” he said.

Prison officials cite this reason for carry out cavity searches on every prisoner, he said. “But the officials must strike a balance between human rights and enforcing strict measures,” he said.

Wanchai Rujjanawong, a senior prosecutor and former Corrections Department director general, said he did not agree with cavity searches on the grounds they were a human rights abuse. But he called on society to make a choice between having prisons free of drugs and other contraband or having no human rights violations.

“If we do not want body cavity searches, we must accept it when drugs and mobile phones are found in prisons.

“We can only pick either way and we cannot put high expectations on the Corrections Department [if we choose |not to conduct searches],” he |said.

Justice Ministry deputy permanent secretary Kobkiat Kasiwiwat said the Corrections Department had started using body scanners to search inmate to prevent human rights violations.

One scanner has been installed at the Central Women Correctional Institution.

With this scanner, prison officials do not have to conduct body cavity searches on all prisoners but only those who receive positive results when walking past the scanner.

“They would be ordered to sit and stand many times till foreign objects come out of their body and if not, body cavity searches are necessary,” he |said.

He said had prison officials known the female student charged with violating the NCPO order was awaiting a court |decision on her bail, she would not have faced body cavity searches.

Today’s student activists face more complex issues than just the coup

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

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Dao Din activists campaign for the release of members of their group after they challenged state projects and were subsequently detained.

Dao Din activists campaign for the release of members of their group after they challenged state projects and were subsequently detained.

At first, people barely noticed them. But then a group of students – calling themselves the Dao Din – fell to their knees in front of a military line about to crack down on villagers fighting against mining in the Northeast.

Slowly people learned more about them, and realised that their rebellion was not merely against the coup, but embraced a wider range of policies and social issues that were of concern to everyone.

Since the 2014 coup, a number of student groups such as Dao Din, the New Democracy Movement (NDM) and the Liberal League of Thammasat for Democracy (LLTD) have increasingly run protests against the junta. They have come up with several symbolic activities signifying their discontent toward the regime.

“The movement has been ignited by the coup,” said Rangsiman Rome, a key member of the NDM, one of the most active student groups at present.

Rangsiman said the students could not tolerate abuses of power – such as tearing apart the 2007 Constitution and allowing members of the junta to go unpunished.

They were eager to fight for what “should be” rather than accept what “will be”, the 24-year-old Thammasat law student said.

And while the movement has put the students at great risk, they have turned out without thinking twice. They are young and do not have the responsibility of adults, he said.

Rangsiman said protesters have run their activities consistently, but they were not in the news as they were “small players” in society before the 2014 coup.

“In 2013 we protested against the amnesty bill proposed by the previous government,” Rangsiman said, referring to Yingluck Shinawatra’s proposed bill that many feared could have paved the way for the return of her brother, ousted ex-PM Thaksin Shinawatra.

More recently, the NDM group managed to arrange an event on May 8, protesting against the arrest of eight administrators who ran a Facebook page making fun of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha.

Amid political turmoil, students across the country are increasingly aware of their roles as citizens, as revealed by Khon Kaen University’s Dao Din student activist Panupong Sritananuwat.

His group has worked with villagers for more than 12 years. Their activities involve environmental issues and educating people on their rights to protect the community.

To fight for what they believe in, this group of students has spent a lot of time living in villages affected by mining, fighting for them, and confronting the military and mining operators.

“The junta’s administration has brought about disputes between the community and state authorities, in regard to environmental concerns,” said Panupong said, in reference to a mine that allegedly damaged the environment in Loei province in the upper Northeast.

Natthisa Patthamaphonphong, from Chulalongkorn Community for People (CCP), said the students wanted to demonstrate they cared about the country. The CCP has joined many anti-coup activities to demonstrate that members do not want to be blamed by the public for only caring about their studies but are largely ignored by society, she said.

Their campaigns, the students claim, were driven by pure ideology, so trying to discredit their movement was “in vain”.

The students challenged emerging allegations that their activists are insincere after people questioned whether they were sponsored by particular political factions.

Panitan Wattanayagorn, a long-time security lecturer at Chulalongkorn University, and national security adviser to Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan, said it was inevitable for such questions to arise.

Panitan, who has been close to a number of student activists, said the students come out during sensitive times when the country is politically divided. Opposition groups aim to use the students’ activities to attack their counterparts by saying the students are financed by their rivals.

However, the public needed to keep an eye on youth-led movements to determine in the long run whether they are independent or not, he said.

If the students “continually” and “honestly” run activities, and stand firm on their stances, the adviser said, the public would see the truth.

Suriyasai Katasila, a former political activist and deputy dean of Rangsit University’s College of Social Innovation, said not only would continuity prove students’ honesty – the nature of their activities would reveal that too.

Some activities might lead the public to conclude that the students are playing games for different political blocs, he said. Students should assess the situation and carefully tailor their activities accordingly, the deputy dean said. “Today’s political condition is so complicated that students cannot straightforwardly do whatever they want, like students did in the past, in 1973,” he said.

Thailand saw an uprising on October 14, 1973, when students rallied and protested against the dictatorship of the military-led government.

Both Panitan and Suriyasai agreed that current conditions are far more complex.

At present, they said, a number of student political groups have emerged to run activities based on various issues, such as the environment, civil rights, public administration and politics – not merely opposing dictatorship as in 1973.

With broadened issues, the students’ power appears weaker and the present education system is also to be blamed for lessening student power, Panitan said. Young people tend to focus more on studies and future jobs, he added, while only a few are turning out to fight for society.

Despite that diminished power, Panitan said students had emerged with the help of several platforms, especially social media, with outlets utilised to rally supporters and encourage young people to protest.

“They should consider if their movements are appropriate and favourable for the society or not, otherwise the public will wonder about [the purpose of] the movements,” the professor said.

Charter specialists face uphill road against opponents

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

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The 477 specialists who have completed a two-day course on the draft charter’s contents in Bangkok could have a daunting task ahead of them as they pass on the message at the district and village levels and meet with charter opponents.

The 477 “Kru Kor” representatives include five representatives from each of 76 provinces, 20 from Bangkok, and 77 from the Community Organisations Development Institute, comprising one from each province.

Although the training on Wednesday and Thursday went smoothly, the Constitution Drafting Commission (CDC) was unable to clarify some questions posed by the specialists.

The specialists include members of professional groups, students, public administrators and political activists who wanted to know in detail how the charter would be implemented.

For instance, Phetchabun specialists asked the CDC about human rights, finding that rights would be restricted in some cases.

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The CDC could only console them with the hope that fully fledged human rights could be forthcoming, as the National Reform and Steering Assembly is still active.

Specialists also inquired about educational opportunities, as many parents are concerned that their children will not enjoy free education at the secondary school level.

The CDC said the charter focused on supporting pre-school children so that they could grow up with a quality educational foundation, but the state would also draft policies for alternative education.

Specialist from the southern provinces asked whether local government officials would be elected or appointed and whether local agencies would be dissolved.

The CDC said the decision would depend on the desire of people in local administrative organisations.

Specialists with political interests raised concerns that the new election system would deprive voters of the right to pick MPs in circumstances where voters dislike their constituency MP but favour the MP’s political party.

The CDC said the new election system was designed to force political parties to field qualified candidates in an election. The proportional election system strikes a fair balance between popular and less popular political parties, the commission said.

Many also raised questions about voters being deprived of the right to vote for senators, since the National Council for Peace and Order could be empowered to select the first batch of senators. The CDC said the condition would only apply during the transitional period.

CDC chairman Meechai Ruchupan asked specialists who favour a particular political party to put aside their political preferences and refrain from persuading voters either to approve or turn down the charter.

The specialists are believed to be facing an uphill battle if district and village leaders are charter opponents.

The CDC’s attempts to arrange for the specialist training have also run across activists and academics who oppose the charter.

However, the opponents did not seem to irritate CDC first vice chairman Supoj Kaimook, who yesterday said they are “too much of fuss” and “irk us as much as pebbles rolling in our shoes”.

“Their movements reflect their original bias against the charter,” he said.

However, the CDC still needs to monitor the charter situation closely, he said, adding that the commission had not attempted to employ specialists as canvassers.

“They will merely explain contents to people without guiding [them] to any exact decision,” he said.

Chatchai Na Chiangmai, another CDC member, agreed that the specialist campaign should proceed smoothly despite opposition movements.

Although deeming those movements “theoretically practicable”, Chatchai asked the public to think twice before trusting charter critics.

The charter was designed to solve national problems and move the country forward, “unlike critics from many sides that try to dump us without considering our situation and problems in the past at all”, he said.

The specialists will be tasked with educating an addition 8,780 district specialists.

Those local specialists will receive training after the Election Commission finishes publishing a simplified version of the charter, he said.

The CDC’s committee on public relations and surveys would discuss the preparation of training programmes with the Interior Ministry, said Chatchai, who chairs the committee.

The CDC would also conduct field visits and monitor training, he added.

 

Facebook Live poses new challenges for reporters

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/national/Facebook-Live-poses-new-challenges-for-reporters-30285094.html

SPECIAL REPORT

The new social media feature from Facebook that allows users to broadcast live events from their smart phones

In a cool meeting room crowded with senior agricultural officials discussing the national rice plan, a 23-year-old reporter was trying his best to live-stream the event from his tablet. With one shaky hand counterweighing the bulky tablet as he jotted down the key points of the meeting, Tanpisit Lerdbamrungchai was hesitant whether to stop broadcasting or put the pen down.

Obviously, pressure had been placed on him. Reporters are using Facebook Live to stream videos online with the hope of grabbing their followers’ attention and enticing them to follow up reports on the TV news programmes. “We want social media users to watch TV more,” said Tanpisit, who works for Nation TV.

He has used the “live” feature for months when required to do so by his employer. He said the footage is used like a movie trailer to promote news bulletins. “I have tried to make them compelling trailers, a brief and quick news brief to attract people to further explore stories far more in-depth on TV programmes I host,” he said.

After viewers watch the streaming videos, Tanpisit hopes they are eager to know more about the story. The challenge here, he added, is attracting people to tune in to the live Facebook broadcasts and look forward to seeing his next live video.

One thing he has noticed since using Facebook Live is that people like controversial issues to be further unfolded.

Tanpisit is among more and more reporters who are using Facebook Live. This, however, has presented a challenge.

They have to do more multi-tasking, while having to maintain the quality of their news report. “This is a big question for all reporters,” said prominent veteran journalist and news editor Nattha Komolvadhin from the Thai Public Broadcasting Service.

Despite the high technology on offer, reporters still need to carefully choose and creatively craft content, Nattha said. She said stories should not end with just a short video and in-depth information should be provided on TV so people can watch more complete stories.

“The reporters have to extend content while keeping the live videos concise,” said Nattha. Mana Treelayapewat, dean of the University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce’s Faculty of Mass Communications, said with new technology available people prefer brief information and tend to absorb sketchy stories.

In light of the changing behaviour of news consumers, broadcasters have to consider the attractiveness, rapidity, accuracy, and legitimacy of content, said Mana. For attractiveness, reporters have to find the right content that swiftly catches people’s attention, he said, or run the risk of presenting boring or dated information.

He said that like almost every other emerging technology, Facebook Live is a double-edge sword. Though in-the-moment updates provide viewers with exclusive experiences, it could harm broadcasters if they present stories that viewers dislike and don’t follow up on TV. It is the task of broadcasters to study what their viewers like and dislike in a bid to keep them tuning in. Along with attractive news, reporters must also be aware of accuracy, Mana said. When covering live events, there are no editors overseeing reporters in the filtering of information and getting to the crux of matters. The reporters must make fast decisions in evaluating the appropriateness of content. Some content is too sensitive to be on the air, he said, while other content might be dodgy.

“Interviewees may allege or curse another people and it could result in a defamation lawsuit. The reporters should quickly assess whether to broadcast that kind of content,” he remarked.

He said that reporters also had to consider the legitimacy of a story. Prior to broadcasting something, a reporter should get permission from their source(s) to stream a video online.

“It is the right of the news sources to decide whether or not they will be recorded.”

Before clicking the live icon, especially for their first video, reporters must be very careful, the academic added. He said to shed light on the first video’s potential impact on a broadcaster’s reputation, think of whether someone would follow a page if they are annoyed by the first report they see on it. If they are not impressed, the possibility that they will follow that page is reduced.

In addition to content, viewer feedback is also worth considering, he said. “It [a live video] is good, has high definition vision and a clear voice,” said Akradej Chakjinda, a follower of Tanpisit, in a comment on one of his live videos.

To produce videos of good quality, the Internet connection plays a very essential role. High-speed Internet promotes the popularity of Facebook Live, Mana said, while a poor Internet connection could block its growth. With a poor Internet infrastructure, he said the live video feature is unlikely to prove more popular than conventional TV.

Although the online live video platform has not yet dominated the TV industry, like the academic said, there is no guarantee it will not eventually if the TV industry does not improve its content and production quality.

Social circumstances a key factor in minors being victims of sex trade

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/national/Social-circumstances-a-key-factor-in-minors-being–30285026.html

SPECIAL REPORT

THOUGH better access to education and job opportunities had reduced the practice of children being sold into prostitution by parents or relatives, the practice of preying on minors still persists in Thailand.

Except, now the victims come from broken homes or are involved in gambling, drug abuse or engaging in premature sex.

The issue of child prostitution also reveals the complex nature of rural Thai society, and tackling that would require cooperation from community leaders, health-promotion volunteers, schoolteachers and, most importantly, parents who can immunise and steer their children away from vice amid social change.

With experience of more than a decade in such issues, Pol Lt-Colonel Chusak Apaipakdee from the police Anti-Human Trafficking Division said most child prostitution cases were found in the Northeast, border provinces and tourism destinations.

Gangs procure youngsters for the prostitution industry at venues that have a glut of businesses such as restaurants, karaoke bars and massage parlours.

Since young people from the Northeast and neighbouring countries are in high demand, illegal sex trade is difficult to crack down on because it is often done with consent from both sides, he said.

More youths from the Northeast enter prostitution due to dire poverty, while many of their family values are inclined towards materialism, driving them to find money to cater to their family’s and their own wants and needs. This makes them vulnerable to predators, he explained.

Teams working to fight child prostitution find it difficult to identify the sort of customers that are serviced, as minors refuse to provide information, saying that the service is provided with their consent. Also some say they would be ungrateful if they reveal their clients’ details to police.

Chusak also voiced concerns now that the Kingdom is opening its doors under the AseanEconomic Community (AEC), saying that the problem might worsen and those concerned may use even more elusive methods.

“From our talks [two years before the AEC was implemented], the 10 member states agreed that opening up borders allowing a free flow |of people could lead to transnational sex trade, in which high-technology is used to avoid detection,” he said.

There are also reports that some procurers set up Line group chats so they can contact customers without having to know them in person, hence making it even more difficult for police to detect or trace the masterminds, he said.

“Even if we find the big fish, the court can still let them walk free if there is insufficient evidence to prove wrongdoing,” the senior policeman added.

A recent video clip that went viral of teenage girls fighting in Buri Ram province with others cheering on is further confirmation of the problem. Once the assailants were arrested, it was learned that the reason for |the attack was forced prostitution.

Pol Colonel Somchai Soponpanyaporn, superintendent at Chalerm Phrakiat Police Station, along with a multi-discipline team, talked with the girls – aged between 14 and 18 – and learned how easily rural girls can now enter the sex trade.

Since many come from broken homes and stay with elderly grandparents, they lack an emotional anchor and often become attached to friends who lead them astray.

Also, he explained, the Internet means that the youth have easy access to information that may not be age-appropriate, resulting in copy-cat behaviour.

“When out of school, young people cannot be controlled – sleeping and waking up late, sleeping over at friends’ houses, hopping from one night club to another, wearing trendy clothes, having boyfriends and adopting inappropriate, promiscuous sexual values,” Somchai said.

In the Buri Ram case, once the girls lost their virginity to their boyfriends, some of them thought they could have sex with others for money, hence falling victim to human traffickers, he added.

The “Mae Lao” procurer was often someone the girls knew from their hometown. The Mae Lao was entrusted with the girls by unsuspicious older relatives, while the girls also knew who to turn to when they wanted money, Somchai said. This relationship with the Mae Lao also opened the door to girls being invited to provide sexual services and meeting clients at appointed venues. If a girl refused or changed her mind, the Mae Lao would just get another girl for the client, he said, adding that since there was no force involved, such behaviour was considered consensual.

As for child prostitutes, which are in high demand among elderly customers, most clients have had long-standing ties with the Mae Lao and trust her. “Customers make contact via the phone or theFacebook messaging service to arrange meetings at venues such as one. Once the deed is done, the customers pay cash to the Mae Lao or the girls,” the superintendent said.

Samran Yimcheun, chief of a children’s and family home in Buri Ram, said: “A solution, which should be implemented immediately, would be to provide information to the parents, teachers and community leaders to keep an eye on the children and adjust their attitudes towards completing their education.”

New charter poll revives 2007 memories, but there are big differences

ศาสตร์เกษตรดินปุ๋ย : ขอบคุณแหล่งข้อมูล : หนังสือพิมพ์ The Nation

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/New-charter-poll-revives-2007-memories-but-there-a-30285619.html

SPECIAL REPORT

pic

THE UPCOMING referendum on August 7 will be the second national poll for the public to decide on the adoption of a new constitution.

The first took place almost a decade ago when the now-obsolete 2007 Constitution was written after the coup of the preceding year.

It is noteworthy the two share some crucial common factors: Both are votes on a ballot seeking endorsement for a new constitution written by military-appointed panels.

Despite these similarities, the referendum to be held this year will differ from its predecessor, at least when it comes to laws and regulations to modulate political activities ahead of the event. While the 2007 charter referendum contained only 13 articles, the current referendum bill promulgated late last month has as many as 66 articles.

The recently enacted law is apparently far more specific than its precursor, grouping necessary actions into three main chapters – including voting regulations and penalties, as well as laying down more precisely who will do what.

The points specified in the act are not only limited to the EC – as in 2007 – but cover bodies like the Constitution Drafting Commission (CDC), to be part of charter content dissemination, and the National Legislative Assembly (NLA), which proposed an extra question concerning the role of the Senate to jointly choose a prime minister.

What is of the most concern to observers is the public role in the run-up to the plebiscite period. It is more strictly regulated under this new act and includes an additional announcement of EC guidelines.

Article 61 of the new act addresses six key actions deemed likely to unsettle the poll, ranging from causing disturbances to coercion of voters. Although these are similar to proposals in the 2007 version, the new act has added new clauses concerning public dissemination of charter-related content deemed to be politically provocative. This is equated to causing disturbances, and carries a penalty of up to 10 years in jail or a fine of up to Bt200,000.

With such vague provisions, the EC then has come up with a “Dos” and “Don’ts” announcement for the public to follow.

Seree Suwanpanont, a member of the Constitution Drafting Assembly (CDA) in 2007, and a current member of the National Reform Steering Assembly, told The Nation the discrepancies had arisen because the people involved with the two processes were different.

“The referendum law in 2007 was prepared by the CDA itself – while the present one is the work of the NLA,” he said. “We were more relaxed back then partly because the CDA worked in Parliament with every step being transparent, broadcast live on television.” He went on to say, however, that the climate then was as dreadful as now and the political divide was already apparent.

“The supporters and the opponents of the draft advertised their stances on the newspapers 10 years ago. But eventually the majority passed the charter in the referendum,” he said. “But everything has changed now, I guess. That’s why the authorities are toughening the regulations for the campaign. They don’t want any more serious conflict.”

Gothom Arya, formerly an election commissioner in 1997 and currently a rights advocate, said the strong laws prohibiting some campaigns were understandable given the circumstances, but he was unsure whether they should be maintained and if they are really necessary.

“Well, they are constantly saying that we are under extraordinary circumstances. So, rules have to be stricter. Some might agree with the notion. But I don’t know,” Gothom said. “They [the regime] have ruled for two years now. And why does the extraordinary circumstance still persist?”

Gothom said he did not entirely agree with all the rules that have been adopted, adding that Article 61 in particular was problematic.

“I think the clauses are somewhat ambiguous and they say it would be provoking or leading. I think expressing one’s opinions is not necessarily always seditious. So, I think the clauses should be removed,” he said. He added that the EC’s guidelines on “Dos” and “Don’ts” are also excessive.

Pornson Liengboonlertchai, a constitutional law expert from Chulalongkorn University, reiterated some of those points on Facebook. He was concerned that the embattled Article 61 might contradict Article 7 of the same referendum law and Article 4 of the 2014 interim charter, which guarantees rights and liberty, including freedom of expression.

He pointed out that it would be unconstitutional to have an inferior law contradicting a superior one – the way that Article 61 contradicts the interim charter’s Article 4. He added that such limitations on freedom of expression also breach international agreements that Thailand has ratified, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the UN Agreements on Human Rights.

Looking at the issue from another point of view, Thammasat University political scientist Attasit Pankaew analysed the current regime’s motivation for promulgating these strict regulations. Attasit believed the current leaders might think the country was experiencing a different climate now than in 2007.

“Any political moves today can have impacts on stability. And that is the last thing this regime wants to see,” he said. “That’s why they are trying to centralise the campaigns, wanting the public to rely on information from the state.”

But this, Attasit said, could be viewed optimistically. “Maybe they are worried that non-state sector campaigning about the draft might not be truthful or sincere and would distort the charter.” “What we can possibly get from all these stringent measures is that perhaps voters would ‘vote correctly’ – meaning they can really make a decision on their own without being influenced by anyone,” he said.