Trump called Arizona Senate president to thank her for pushing to prove any fraud in audit, emails show
Newly released emails sent to and from Arizona state senators reveal that President Donald Trump and his lawyer Rudy Giuliani reached out personally to urge GOP officials there to move forward with a partisan recount of the 2020 election, despite a lack of evidence of widespread fraud or other issues.
Hundreds of pages of emails related to the GOP-ordered audit underway in Maricopa County were obtained by the nonprofit legal watchdog group American Oversight through a records request under the Freedom of Information Act. The group published them Friday, along with a scathing statement that decried the audit as a “sham partisan crusade.”
In one email dated Dec. 2, Arizona state Senate President Karen Fann, a Republican, told two constituents that she had spoken with Giuliani “at least 6 times over the past two weeks.”
In another exchange dated Dec. 28, a constituent threatened that Fann would be recalled by “the new patriot movement of the United States” for not standing up for Trump.
Fann assured him that the state Senate was “doing everything legally possible to get the forensic audit done” and that they planned to sue the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors. (The Republican-led board had in November voted unanimously to certify the county’s election results, with the board chairman declaring there was no evidence of fraud or misconduct “and that is with a big zero.”)
“I have been in numerous conversations with Rudy Guiliani [sic] over the past weeks trying to get this done,” Fann wrote in the Dec. 28 message. “I have the full support of him and a personal call from President Trump thanking us for pushing to prove any fraud.”
In an email dated Nov. 30, Fann noted that she had asked Trump’s legal team for evidence of “rampant fraud” and to file a lawsuit so the certification of the results can be put on hold, to no avail.
“No suit has been filed nor was a suit filed to contest the certification process,” Fann wrote. “I also want to get to the bottom of all this.”
President Joe Biden became the first Democrat to win Arizona since 1996. Trump has remained heavily invested in ballot audits across the country as he continues to push his baseless claims that the 2020 election was stolen from him.
American Oversight Executive Director Austin Evers said the emails were clear evidence that the goal of the audit was to erode trust in the voting process and to further legitimize Trump’s “big lie.”
“The more we learn, the more it becomes clear that this is not an audit, it’s a sham partisan crusade carried out by some of the most cynical actors our democracy has ever known,” Evers said in a statement. “With each new email, the paper trail confirms that the true goal of this process is to perpetuate Donald Trump’s big lie of a stolen election and to undermine faith in our democracy.”
Representatives for Fann and for Trump did not immediately respond to requests for comment Friday.
The emails also show some of the depths of panic and anger from Republican constituents insisting that there was widespread fraud in the 2020 election, despite a slew of both Democratic and Republican election officials vouching for the integrity of the vote. In the weeks after the election, dozens of state and federal judges also rejected Trump’s numerous legal efforts to overturn the election results.
Fann herself outright acknowledged Biden’s win in at least one of the emails. To a constituent who said she was “appalled, offended, and upset” that taxpayer dollars were being wasted on a “fraudulent audit,” Fann replied: “This is where you are mistaken. Biden won. 45% of all Arizona voters think there is a problem with the election system. The audit is to disprove those theories or find ways to improve the system.”
Still, Fann appeared to spend much more time placating outraged constituents and fielding baseless speculation about a supposedly rigged election. In an email dated April 10, someone named Rachel Griffin emailed Fann wondering if the audit will ever happen and demanding lawmakers produce proof of fraud, or else risk getting booted from office.
“We are not going to be treated like idiots. We will make sure none of you are never re-elected again unless you prove there was fraud,” Griffin wrote. “It is no longer acceptable for all of you to pay lip service. We want results and we want them now.”
In response, Fann said the audit would begin soon. “Our efforts have been sabotaged every step of the way but we are not giving up!” she added.
The Maricopa County audit, which started in late April, has been heavily criticized for its lack of transparency and for not following state rules for elections and recounts. Arizona Republicans hired a Florida-based private contractor called Cyber Ninjas, whose chief executive has echoed Trump’s false allegations of fraud, to handle the recount.
The office of Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, a Democrat, began documenting the audit’s alleged security infractions online this week.
“The effort to hand-count the 2.1 million ballots cast in Maricopa County during the 2020 Presidential Election resumed on May 24, after a week-long pause,” Hobbs’s office said in a statement Tuesday. “Observers on behalf of the Arizona Secretary of State’s Office continued to note problematic practices, changing policies, and security threats that have plagued this exercise from the start.”
U.S. government raises alarm on ransomware threat as intensifying cyberattacks expose vulnerabilities
WASHINGTON – For years, the federal government treated ransomware as a criminal menace – not as urgent as hacking by foreign spies. But after a spasm of high-profile attacks that jarred the nation, the U.S. government now has begun framing the issue as a matter of national – and global – security.
The FBI director this week compared it to the challenge posed by the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. On Thursday, a top White House cyber official urged corporate America to strengthen its computer security. And on Friday, the White House said that President Joe Biden will raise the issue of Russia’s harboring ransomware criminals when he meets with Russian President Vladimir Putin next week in Geneva.
“We know that the ransomware threat is urgent, it’s complex, and it’s been increasing over the last several years,” White House press secretary Jen Psaki said. “It feels new to us over the last couple of weeks, but it has been increasing rapidly around the world over the last several years.”
She noted this week that many of the world leaders with whom Biden will gather at the annual Group of Seven meeting next week “have similar concerns.”
Until about a year and a half ago, ransomware extortion – in which hackers lock up victims’ machines with malware and then demand hefty fees to unlock the data – was seen primarily as cybercrime. It afflicted schools, hospitals and businesses, but the disruptions were considered isolated. No one was known to have died, and the disruptions were limited to the entities that were hacked.
Then came the pipeline attack last month that shut down almost half the East Coast fuel supply. That was followed this week by another that threatened the nation’s largest meat supplier, and quickly it became painfully apparent that malware devised by criminals could have effects that threaten national security.
“I don’t think that attention is going to go away anytime soon,” said Michael Phillips, co-chairman of the Ransomware Task Force, a group of industry, government and academic experts that in April produced a set of recommendations for the Biden administration on combating ransomware. “People want to know that the U.S. government can protect them from these kinds of attacks.”
After the Colonial Pipeline attack last month, Biden launched an initiative to address the dangers of ransomware, including the creation of a global coalition to hold countries that shelter ransomware criminals accountable. The spadework for that began shortly after Biden took office, and the initiative complements an executive order he signed last month to shore up the federal government’s digital defenses, an effort the administration hopes will spur the private sector to bolster its own cybersecurity.
One of the strategy’s most significant elements is to remove the cloak of anonymity around the digital ransoms victims pay, to crack down on the criminals. The ransoms can run into the millions of dollars – Colonial Pipeline paid $4.4 million last month to a Russia-based group – paid out in cryptocurrencies like bitcoin.
These digital currencies are run on a global network of computers that are not under the control of any central bank. They grant users the ability to instantly record their transactions on a public digital ledger without a middleman brokering the transaction – but without revealing their identities. The cryptocurrency exchanges that convert the digital tokens into actual cash, if they’re operating outside the United States, often aren’t required to follow the same anti-money-laundering laws that govern U.S. exchanges and banks.
What the White House wants to do, a senior administration official said in an interview Friday, is work with an international coalition of governments to compel cryptocurrency exchanges operating offshore to report suspicious transactions, including the identities of the parties.
“I can’t underscore enough how that cryptocurrency line of effort is key,” said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss an ongoing review.
The growth of unregulated cryptocurrency, the official said, is “what’s driven the growth of ransomware.”
The White House would like to see an international standard, similar to the United States’ “know your customer” regulations that require reporting large transactions to the Treasury Department. “There are cryptocurrency exchanges all around the world, and we want to ensure that there’s a common threshold of ‘know your customer’ rules, which are in place and implemented so there aren’t places to hide funds,” the official said.
“This is exactly the signal that needs to be sent to the ransomware criminals,” said Philip Reiner, executive director of the Ransomware Task Force and chief executive of the Institute for Security and Technology. “The status quo is over. We’re not going to approach this in the same way anymore.”
Right now, criminal hacker groups operate with near impunity. Many of the ransomware rings are based in Russia or Eastern Europe, and countries like Russia ignore their activities as long as they don’t target companies, people or government agencies inside their borders. The hackers lurk in the shadows of the Internet and exploit the anonymity that cryptocurrency affords, officials and experts say.
“I almost feel like it’s ‘bring it on, bro,'” said Rick Holland, chief information security officer at the digital risk protection firm Digital Shadows, making the point that the hackers don’t fear being caught by U.S. authorities.
Indeed, criminal ransomware rings have made clear that they don’t intend to slink away in the face of the U.S. government’s ramped-up efforts. “We will work harder, harder and harder,” said one ransomware hacker, who goes by the handle UNKN, or Unknown, and who belongs to one of the largest ransomware extortion groups, REvil.
Potential U.S. government efforts “will not affect our work in any way,” UNKN told cybersecurity blogger Sergey R3dhunt, according to a translation posted on Twitter by Recorded Future cyberthreat researcher Dmitry Smilyanets.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told the state RIA news agency that hackers exist in every country in the world. Russia has previously denied that state-sponsored hackers launched cyberespionage campaigns against U.S. institutions.
Putin told state television that reports about ransomware attacks by Russia-based hackers on Colonial and on JBS, the meat processor, are “nonsense.” Said Putin: “It’s just laughable.” He said the reports were an attempt to “provoke some new conflicts before our meeting with Biden.”
Another major element of the White House ransomware review will be to determine what the government’s formal ransomware policy should be, the official said. The FBI’s guidance has long been for victims not to pay ransoms. But, bureau officials note, in the end it is up to the company. When a CEO is facing the prospect of closing a business, or a hospital might need to cut critical services that keep patients alive, the dilemma is acute.
“We’re sympathetic to companies who say, ‘Look, we’ve got to recover our business operations,’ but on the other hand, [ransom payments are] what fuels the growth of it,” the official said.
The federal government’s efforts began before last month’s pipeline attack. The Justice Department in April created a task force to disrupt the criminal ecosystem that fuels ransomware attacks. On Thursday, Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco issued a memo directing all federal prosecutors to inform Justice Department headquarters of ransomware cases.
The directive, Monaco wrote, was meant to ensure the department has a “comprehensive picture” of the national and economic security threats facing the nation. “We need to have a national picture, and we need to bring all of our tools to bear,” Monaco said on CNBC.
In January, the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency kicked off a campaign to prod public and private sector organizations to adopt measures to reduce their risk of being victimized by ransomware. And in 2019, CISA waged a similar initiative to encourage state and local officials to secure election infrastructure against ransomware attacks.
Last fall, in the weeks before the presidential election, U.S. Cyber Command, the military’s cyber attack force, temporarily disrupted one of the world’s largest botnets – Trickbot, an army of at least 1 million hijacked computers run by Russian-speaking criminals. Trickbot was often used to launch ransomware attacks and officials feared it might disrupt the election.
Last month, in the wake of the pipeline attack, Biden refrained from blaming the Kremlin, but said “we do have strong reason to believe that criminals who did the attack are living in Russia.” He added: “We have been in direct communication with Moscow about the imperative for responsible countries to take decisive action against these ransomware networks.”
On Friday, Psaki repeated that Biden would confront Putin with cyber issues, including a major Russian espionage campaign dubbed SolarWinds that compromised nine federal agencies and 100 private sector firms, as well as the ransomware attacks. “There is no doubt President Biden will be raising that directly in that conversation,” she said.
But administration officials also stressed that this is Biden’s first meeting as head of state with Putin, and privately sought to lower expectations of any major breakthroughs.
The stepped up government attention mirrors a growing sense of concern in the private sector, said Michael Daniel, president and CEO of the Cyber Threat Alliance and the top cyber official in the Obama White House.
“Ransomware has moved from an economic nuisance to a national security and public health and safety threat,” he said. “So we need to treat it commensurately. That means stepped up efforts by both the government and the private sector.”
Published : June 05, 2021
By : The Washington Post · Ellen Nakashima, Hamza Shaban, Rachel Lerman
Biden weighing former Israel ambassador for Middle East envoy
WASHINGTON – The Biden administration is strongly considering a former ambassador to Israel for a role as an envoy to the Middle East, people familiar with the planning said. The role is likely to include a portfolio involving diplomatic accords between Israel and Muslim neighbors that were a hallmark of Middle East policy under President Donald Trump.
Daniel Shapiro was a Middle East specialist for President Barack Obama and later the U.S. ambassador to Israel for the Obama administration. He has lived primarily in Israel for years and had been mentioned as a possible ambassador to the country under Joe Biden.
The White House is expected to nominate former State Department official Thomas Nides for the Israel job instead. The two Obama administration veterans would work closely together as Biden seeks to strengthen ties between Israel and Muslim-majority nations that had once rejected Israel’s legitimacy.
The exact role Shapiro will fill is unclear, but he has agreed to join the administration, several people familiar with aspects of the discussions said. In all, nine people said they expected Shapiro to take on a new Middle East position, although many identified an ambassadorship that now appears unlikely.
The people each spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter on the record. All said Shapiro’s position is not final.
The White House declined to comment on a personnel issue.
Part of Shapiro’s portfolio may involve work to put Biden’s stamp on the Trump-era project of deals known as the Abraham Accords, people familiar with it said, though it was not clear what that entails.
A role shepherding the four Trump-era normalization deals or encouraging new ones would be a signal that Biden continues to see that approach as valuable despite opposition from senior Palestinian leaders. It could also be a sign that Biden does not see a near-term prospect for peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians to form an independent state. Biden endorsed the goal of two states as recently as last month.
Trump had said he preferred a two-state option, but his administration pursued a parallel strategy of linking Israel to its neighbors through individual agreements that normalized diplomatic relations.
The United Arab Emirates was the first to do so since Egypt and Jordan decades ago, striking a historic agreement with Israel last year to normalize relations and establish business and tourism ties. Three other Arab or Muslim-majority nations followed suit.
Biden welcomed the UAE agreement as a breakthrough toward peace, even though Palestinian leaders bitterly opposed.
The Biden administration has been unusually slow to announce nominations for ambassadors from among the ranks of the president’s friends and political backers. Slates of those nominations, known as political ambassadors, had been expected as early as March.
White House officials have said Biden wants to cut back on the number of ambassadorships awarded as political perks. He is expected to rely more heavily on current and former State Department diplomats and others, such as Shapiro, with specific expertise.
Recently, Shapiro had worked for the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.
Published : June 05, 2021
By : The Washington Post · Anne Gearan, Tyler Pager
Socialists, Proud Boys, and anti-maskers: The political establishment struggles to keep up in Nevada
LAS VEGAS – Shortly before it took over Nevadas Democratic Party, the local branch of the Democratic Socialists of America began organizing “Sunday solidarity” giveaways for the homeless. Comrades set up card tables, loaded them with food, clothes and essentials, and brought them to a mosques parking lot, unbothered by police. They were usually joined by Amy Vilela, a 46-year old accountant and socialist who is making her second run for Congress.
“We’re out here doing the front-line work,” said Vilela, 46. “That really helps when you’re campaigning, because you build relationships with people who are already motivated, not just people you hire for a job.” The giveaway wrapped up, and Vilela joined a group photo under the red flag of DSA and the red, green, black and white flag of Palestine. “How many candidates,” she asked, pointing to the flags, “would take a picture like that?”
Not many Democrats would, but Nevada’s Democratic Party has been changing. In March, DSA members dominated the 458-member vote to elect new leadership. Local Republicans and national media called it a “socialist takeover” of a swing state’s governing party, and a high-profile Democratic mayor quit the party to join the GOP.
But before they could press their advantage, Republicans faced a revolt of their own, including a vote to censure their only statewide official and an effort by the Proud Boys and anti-mask activists to take over the party. Last week, the Clark County GOP canceled a meeting, citing “risks” to members, and highlighting the “hateful and racist”conduct of activists who considered themselves the pro-Trump vanguard in Nevada. In a closely divided, racially diverse swing state – one that is competing to hold the first presidential primaries in 2024 – both major parties have been transformed by ideological activists.
“All I care about is winning the general election,” said state Sen. Carrie Buck, a Republican, who is campaigning to lead the GOP in Clark County, where most Nevadans live. “I try and find people who are little more moderate, because you can win primaries all day long but it doesn’t mean anything if you lose the general election.”
The socialists who took over Nevada’s Democratic Party intend to win those elections, too. Between 2016 and 2020, when Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., lost one presidential caucus and then won the nextby a landslide, left-wing activists here became serious political organizers. Vilela, who lost a 2018 congressional primary despite the backing of the Justice Democrats, sat out 2020 to help Sanders win the state. She’d entered politics after the sudden death of her daughter Shalynne, telling again and again the story of how she might still be alive if America had single-payer health care.
“Bernie Sanders gave me hope again,” Vilela told Sanders’s supporters at their caucus night victory party in February of 2020. “He gave me a reason to live again.”
At the same time, Vilela was moving from the 4th Congressional District, which is competitive between Democrats and Republicans, to the 1st Congressional District, which covers most of Las Vegas itself and backed President Biden by 25 points. She announced her challenge to Rep. Dina Titus, a Democrat, in April, again running as a crusader for Medicare-for-all, a $15 minimum wage, and the rest of an agenda largely shared by Sanders and DSA.
“This is the most diverse, most Democratic district in the state, and it has the lowest turnout,” Vilela said in an interview. “What is the purpose of voting for people if they’re not actually going to go in there and fight? People don’t want someone just to agree with them. Politics is about life-and-death decisions.”
She thought, as she often does, about Shalynne,who died of a thrombosis that Vilela believes would have been caught had she been treated as well as a patient with comprehensive insurance. “My daughter is dead,” Vilela said. “She’s never coming back. And I understand fully why she’s dead. People have been talking about universal health care since before she was born.”
Democrats swept last year’s elections in Nevada but they lost some ground in the state legislature after some early, hopeful expectation that they’d win a supermajority.Judith Whitmer, the DSA-backed party chair, won her job with a plan for all-year organizing; in a sign of how the party’s center of gravity had shifted, the runner-up also was a supporter of Sanders. The new leadership faced a skeptical media and public hand-wringing from elected Democrats, such as Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, who emphasized their own capitalist bona fides.
“We didn’t do this to burn the party the ground,” said Kara Hall, the 35-year old co-chair of Las Vegas’s DSA chapter. “We did this because we want to get things accomplished. We want changes in our community. We want to be able to elect people who’ll make those changes. People ask why Amy ran against Dina Titus, and to me, that’s easy. Dina Titus is comfortable.” She noted how the state’s majority-Democratic legislature had balked at some things they ran on, and that local activists expected, such as banning the death penalty. “We have too many Democrats who are comfortable.” Like Sanders, the new party leadership sees more risk in de-motivating their base than in giving Republicans material for “socialist” attacks they could make in their sleep.
The party is staying neutral in the Titus-Vilela race, but the contest has already exposed fault lines in the changing party. Titus, 71, moved to Las Vegas for a teaching job, got elected to the state Senate in 1988, and established herself as a pragmatic liberal. She lost a swing House seat in the 2010 Republican wave, then captured the new, deep blue Las Vegas district created after the last census. Since then she has spent as much time in the state as possible. On Memorial Day, at a charity that provided stable housing for homeless veterans, Titus was frequently recognized, pulling out a pen to take notes on what the veterans said they needed, over the loud music of a mariachi band.
“It’s kind of hard for me to figure out how you attack me,” Titus said, calling Vilela’s bid “opportunistic,” and noting thather challenger had run third in her 2018 race for an open seat. “I’m on Medicare-for-all, even though I know you need to move step by step, gradually. I had the bill that created the [renewable] energy standard here, so I don’t know how you attack me and say I’m not green enough.”
Like Cortez-Masto, Titus had avoided arguments with the new Democratic Party’s team; since they took over, the biggest disagreement came when the party put out a statement criticizing Israel’s military action in the Gaza Strip, calling for a cease-fire. That prompted a new member of the leadership team to resign, and got a rebuke from Titus.
“I realize that some of our representatives were not happy with their our statement,” said Whitmer. “But we felt it was important to take a stand on human rights, and we’re still really working really hard for our Democratic candidates, putting into place an infrastructure so that we’re ready to mobilize in 2022.”
Republicans looked ready to benefit from the infighting. Days after the DSA’s win, North Las Vegas Mayor John Lee, a conservative Democrat who’d twice backed Donald Trump for president, announced that he was becoming a Republican to fight “socialism” and a party he no longer recognized. Just months after Trump’s campaign tried to overturn Nevada’s election results, and after the state GOP endorsed an ersatz slate of “electors” for the defeated ex-president, the party was pitching itself as a home for anyone unwelcome in a left-wing Democratic Party.
Reality began to interfere. Republicans were also electing new leadership across the state to take them into midterm elections, and activists who wanted the party to move right were mobilizing to take it over. In April, the state GOP’s central committee voted to censure Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske, saying that she’d chosen to “disregard of her oath of office by failing to investigate election fraud.” (An investigation by Cegavske found no evidence of widespread voting fraud, and she has defended herself as acting appropriately and refusing to put a thumb on the scale for her party.) Party leaders like Buck pushed for an audit to figure out who voted for the censure, after a leader of the far-right Proud Boys claimed that he and some friends got invited to the party meeting, got credentialed, and cast the deciding votes.
Weeks later, the Clark County GOP canceled its own meeting to elect new leadership, citing worries that fringe activists would show up and take over. At a news conference, they singled out Proud Boy members who posted racial comments on social media. But other groups that had been formed and mobilized during Trump’s presidency were trying to swing the leadership race, including No Mask Nevada PAC, which had quickly collected thousands of emails from people who wanted to prevent the state’s government from ever imposing unilateral lockdown rules. Ian Bayne, the PAC’s co-founder, said that he could mobilize enough people to determine who controls the Clark County GOP, so long as the next meeting on July 20 meeting is kept open.
“The ball is in their court,” Bayne said. “Will they keep our pro-Trump party members or wannabe-members out? Or will they have an open meeting? Are we a pro-Trump Republican Party, or an anti-Trump party?”
There’s infighting, but not much debate about what the party should run on. At a Tuesday luncheon hosted by the Nevada Republican Club, Trump was referred to onstage as “the real president.” Buck urged Republicans to unite to fight their actual opponent, holding up a picture of Gov. Steve Sisolak, a Democrat. Lee joked about getting used to his new party – “clean the swamp, isn’t that what you guys call it?” – and ran through his bipartisan successes as mayor, but one of the first questions he got was about 2024. Would he pledge to support Trump?
“Sure,” Lee said. “Already supported him, both times.”
Asked in a short interview whether the fight with the fringe was hurting the GOP, Lee suggested that both parties were losing votes from the perception that they’d abandoned the middle.
“It’s almost even,” Lee said, referring to state voter registration numbers, which have found the GOP slipping behind both Democrats and voters with no party preference. “Like, a thousand Democrats and a thousand Republicans are going independent.”
The GOP’s turmoils have encouraged Democrats, too. A fight over what the party stands for is inevitable. So is the primary challenge from Vilela, one of the best-known left-wing candidates in the country, after her appearance in a 2019 documentary about four women running as Sanders-inspired challengers. (Two of them, Missouri’s Cori Bush and New York’s Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, are already in the House.) So, probably, is yet another campaign to portray all Democrats as socialists, pointing to the power that Sanders’s movement now wields here.
“Yes, the Republicans might use that against some of the people in difficult districts,” Titus said. “But the Republicans have got so many problems, right? I don’t think they have the wherewithal or the resources to try to attack us on anything like that.”
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Turnout watch
Democrats expected to win New Mexico’s 1st Congressional District, but hustled like they were going to lose it. Republicans hoped to send a message in the June 1 election, with their nominee telling conservative media that he was challenging a “radical agenda.”
Radical or not, the Democrats won by a landslide. Rep.-elect Melanie Stansbury captured 60% of the vote to just 36% for state Sen. Mark Moores, the GOP’s nominee. A Libertarian candidate and a Libertarian-turned-independent split the other 4%, neither making any difference in the outcome.
Turnout was the highest of the four special House elections held this year. Moores’s total of 46,977 votes was not far off the combined vote for all Republicans in last month’s all-party primary in Texas,which locked Democrats out of the runoff for the 6th Congressional District. In Albuquerque, Democrats outnumber Republicans, and they turned out, giving Stansbury 79,208 votes.
Stansbury, a state representativenominated at a party convention a few days after Moore’s party picked him, never lost control of the race. She outspent him by a nearly 2-to-1 margin, putting more than $875,000 into the race, while Moores spent nearly $470,000. Despite making appearances on conservative media outlets, and framing his race as a referendum on the Biden agenda and rising crime, Moores never attracted interest from PACs or his party’s members of Congress. He got just $7,000 in donations from his potential colleagues, less than 1/12th of what House Democrats gave Stansbury.
The result, nonetheless, was the most financially balanced race between the two parties in this district for a decade. Last year, now-Interior Secretary Deb Haaland spent nearly $1.9 million on her reelection, compared to around $245,000 spent by the Republican candidate, and she won by 16 points. Stansbury won by 24, narrowly carrying Moores’s district on a romp through Albuquerque and its suburbs. The state senator may have been the strongest possible Republican nominee, and his party argued that the defeat was a fluke.
“Republican voters were angry from 2020,” the local party said in a statement. “Many questioned election integrity – and stayed home.”
Democrats, eager to prove that there was no tea party-style backlash to their agenda, celebrated into the next news cycle. Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chair Rep. Sean Maloney, D-N.Y., flew to the district, with the official spin that voters “rejected the tired Republican tactics of lies and fearmongering.” The Working Families Party, one of several liberal groups that had members in the district and encouraged them to vote, argued that the result was proof that Democrats kept their base active if they passed far-reaching, redistributive legislation.
The race did clarify the crime issue and how it is hitting these races. Moores spent most of the campaign attacking Stansbury over her support of a national proposal toredirect somelaw enforcement spending to social welfare. Most of his ads said that Stansbury would “defund the police,” and in debates, Moores repeatedly urged voters to look at the BREATHE Act, the police crackdown proposal from the Movement for Black Lives.
Stansbury’s campaign quickly attacked back. It called in her supporters in law enforcement, including Albuquerque’s district attorney, to cut spots thanking her for increasing public safety spending. Those testimonials ran alongside claims that Moores, who had opposed the American Rescue Plan, hypocritically “lined his pockets” with a PPP loan. That kept running even after a TV network flunked it in a fact-check. The campaign from McKenna Media, which had also worked on Haaland’s races, largely neutralized the main GOP line of attack.
That gave Stansbury a broad victory,as she won in all the places that shifted left during the Trump presidency and improved slightly on Biden’s numbers with Latino voters. Although some coverage mentioned Moores’s Hispanic heritage, the candidate did not emphasize it in his paid media. Speculation that a White nominee could lose some Latino Democratic votes to a Hispanic Republican came to nothing, and Stansbury invested big in digital ads that got out the election information in English and Spanish.
Stansbury’s win was bigger than most Democrats expected going into Tuesday. Not since Woodrow Wilson’s presidency has a member of the House joined a presidential Cabinet and watched his or her party grow its margin in the resulting special election. But this also was the second special election of the year, after the race in Louisiana’s 2nd Congressional District, where Democratic margins were up. In the other two, in Texas and in Louisiana’s 5th Congressional District, Republicans beat their 2020 margins; in both of those races, the top vote-getter was the widow of the Republican who’d just won the seat.
So, what has been happening in these races? There have been just 25 special state legislative elections this year, and patterns have been hard to find. One reason is structural: The most recent elections in those districts happened in different years, from 2017 to 2020, with different political conditions each time. In some races, the party out of power fielded a candidate after running no one last cycle, making it impossible to mark a trend. No seat has changed hands between Democrats and Republicans.
Another problem in finding a special election pattern is the randomness of the results. In two Wisconsin elections, Democrats ran eight points ahead of their 2020 vote in a Republican-held Assembly district and three points ahead of their 2018 vote in a Republican-held Senate district.
But they were helped by the race for state superintendent of public instruction,in which Democrats invested, and which drove up their vote. In races in Connecticut, Iowa, Louisiana and New Hampshire, Republicans ran a few points ahead of their most recent vote share; in Maine and Oklahoma, Democrats ran ahead of theirs. (In Pennsylvania, the Republican vote stayed steady from the last election, while a Green candidate took 8% of the liberal vote, leaving the winning Democrat with less.)
Squint hard enough, though, and a familiar pattern emerges: a slight Democratic overperformance in suburbs, and Republican gains with white voters without college degrees, who preferred Trump over Biden last year.Oklahoma’s 22nd state Senate district is just outside Oklahoma City, and Pennsylvania’s 22nd state Senate district covers Scranton. But Iowa’s 41st state Senate district includes Ottumwa and Fairfield, which have been moving right, and Republicans did three points better there than when they held the seat three years ago.
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Ad watch
– Kathryn Garcia, “Best.” A New York Times endorsement helped Garcia grab fresh attention in the city’s mayoral race, and the stumbles of some rival candidates pushed her into the top tier of the ranked-choice election. Her first spot portrayed Garcia as an emergency brake, literally, breaking out of glass. “I’ve been your crisis manager, I’m ready to be your mayor.”
– Maya Wiley, “Breathe.” The collapse of Dianne Morales’s campaign simplified one of Wiley’s challenges: Consolidate liberal voters who are skeptical that more police would reverse the city’s rising crime rate. Wiley’s spot highlights police overreactions during last summer’s civil rights protests, and says that “it is time the NYPD sees us as people who deserve to breathe.” The ad got a swift, angry response from police unions, which was the point: In a Democratic primary in the current climate, being on the wrong side of those unions is a plus.
– Andrew Yang, “La Familia.” Actor John Leguizamo, a Yang supporter since his presidential campaign, narrates a Spanish-language spot. “Nothing is more important than family,” Leguizamo says, as the candidate, wife, and kids scamper around a swing set.
– Shaun Donovan, “Experienca.” The candidate himself speaks Spanish in this spot, which begins with video of former president Barack Obama praising him. As he calls himself the one “leader with experience in a crisis,”images of him with Obama and Biden flash on-screen.
– Scott Stringer, “Tour.” Even before a sexual misconduct accusation sent many of Stringer’s endorsers running, his ad campaign from the liberal firm Putnam & Putnam focused on making him look relatable. The gimmick here is the civics-obsessed comptroller taking his kids on a field trip, from small businesses to vacant lots, using the subway, which they fall asleep on. “They’ll appreciate it when they’re older,” Stringer says.
– – –
Dems in disarray
Democrats in June’s most closely watched primaries did combat this week – Virginia Democrats at a Tuesday gubernatorial forum, New York CityDemocrats at their first in-person mayoral debate. Virginia’s race has a clear poll leader and New York’s doesn’t, but a similar drama played out across both stages. Candidates who are counting on the party’s liberal base but have struggled to break through and win them, looked for ways to portray their opponents as dangerously out of touch.
In Virginia, none of former governor Terry McAuliffe’s rivals have dented his poll lead or pushed him off message ahead of the June 8 primary. (Early voting has been underway, but slow, for a month.) Former Del. Jennifer Carroll Foytried again at the Newport News debate, twice denouncing “politicians of the past” – a veiled reference to McAuliffe – and then repeatedly criticizing him by name.
“We jeopardize our majority and the governorship if we do what Republicans want and nominate a former governor who failed to keep his promises and who almost lost his election to an extreme Trump Republican,” Carroll Foy said. After McAuliffe referred to his executive order that re-enfranchised tens of thousands of felons, part of his answer to a criminal justice reform question, Carroll Foy suggested that the answer was racist.
“Terry McAuliffe, not all Black people are convicted felons,” she said. “We need a governor who will treat us in a holistic way to root out the inequities in our health care, in our economy, in our environment, in all of the systems, because we need intentional, anti-racist policies.” Moments later, Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax bemoaned that McAuliffe, who is White, was even running when several credible Black candidates were seeking the governor’s office.
“When African Americans are shut out of opportunities repeatedly, it sends a signal to people about what our system truly values,” Fairfax said.
McAuliffe ignored the attacks, after briefly rebutting Carroll Foy in their last debate. McAuliffe, state Sen. Jennifer McClellan and state Rep. Lee Carter spent more time laying out their agendas, although McClellan and Carter both emphasized their experience – McClellan as a pathbreaking Black female senator, Carter as a veteran who is still waiting on unemployment payments. McAuliffe focused on his education agenda and on attacking GOP nominee Glenn Youngkin, whom he has been trying to define as a “radical” Trump supporter, while saying little about his Democratic rivals.
“We have a racist system when we have unequal schools,” McAuliffe said. “Pay our teachers above the national average for the first time ever. The 40,000 at-risk 3- and 4-year-olds, get them pre-K. Get every child online here.”
Youngkin tweeted during the debate about McAuliffe’s rivals, arguing that the former governor was “struggling to earn the confidence of his party.” But Youngkin didn’t focus on anything McAuliffe himself said; as the primary wraps up, McAuliffe hasn’t made the sort concessions to the left that Republicans hoped to run against.
New York’s debate had more objects flying in more directions. Since the first debate, conducted on Zoom, former sanitation commissioner Kathryn Garcia had jumped up in public polls, 2020 presidential candidate Andrew Yang has sagged, and nonprofit CEO Dianne Morales had watched her campaign fall apart as key members of it bolted, citing a “hostile work environment toward Black and Brown staffers.”
Morales made the stage anyway, defended the turmoil as the sort of thing that happens in large organizations, and was largely ignored by candidates looking to more credible threats. Maya Wiley, a civil rights attorney who has struggled to unite left-wing voters and could benefit from the Morales slump, went after Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams for saying he’d continue to carry a firearm if elected mayor.
“Isn’t this the wrong message to send our kids?” Wiley said. “Children who see their role models carrying guns may think it’s okay.”
“He may be packin’ now!” joked former Citi executive Ray McGuire.
Adams, a former cop whose police reforms don’t go as far as activists want, was attacked repeatedly by rivals, who grabbed opportunities to talk over moderators or inject a few jokes. (“That was important,” Scott Stringer snarked, after former HUD secretary Shaun Donovan went over his time to say that one of his policies was cited by President Biden in his Tuesday speech on race in Tulsa.) It alternately amused and annoyed Adams, who repeatedly pointed out that he was following the debate rules, and who unloaded on Yang for leaving the city during the worst of the pandemic.
“I never fled the city,” Adams said. “I protected the city.”
Yang accused Adams of shoddy ethics, saying he’d “achieved the rare trifecta of corruption investigations” at multiple levels; when Adams said that Black men were sometimes falsely accused, Yang said the charges had nothing to do with his race. And Yang, whose months-long dominance of polling and media coverage rankled other candidates, took hit after hit.
“I don’t think you’re an empty vessel,” City Comptroller Scott Stringer said, looking at Yang and quoting an ill-advised comment an adviser had made about the candidate. “I think you’re a Republican.”
Kathryn Garcia, who Yang had praised for weeks as his own second choice for mayor, included him in a knock on the field: “I invite anyone on this stage to talk about track records because I actually have one.”
Yet Garcia was largely ignored by other candidates, as the race’s struggling liberals tried to find an advantage. Stringer, who lost some endorsements to Wiley after being accused of sexual misconduct, again compared that allegation to the one a former Biden staffer made against him last year, convincing few Democrats; he challenged Wiley’s civil rights record, saying she “was a rubber stamp” for police unions when she led the Civilian Complaint Review Board.
– – –
In the states
Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, who gained national attention during the state’s 2020 races and its confounding unofficial audit, announced a run for governor, pitching herself as a get-things-done candidate who would save the state from extremism.
“We’ve got this state government being run by conspiracy theorists right now,” she told the Arizona Republic. “They are out of touch with everyday Arizonans and that’s holding us back as a state.”
In Texas, Land Commissioner George P. Bush launched a primary challenge to Attorney General Ken Paxton, who’s seeking a third term despite fighting both securities fraud charges and allegations of unethical conduct by former staffers. Paxton, who led both the dismissed lawsuit to overturn the 2020 election and the third legal effort to kill the Affordable Care Act, narrowly won reelection in 2018.
“Enough is enough, Ken,” Bush said at a campaign launch in Austin, warning that Paxton is the only statewide elected Republican in danger of losing in 2022. “You’ve brought way too much scandal and too little integrity to this office.” In its first days, the race has been less about policy differences than about whether Bush can convince Trump to abandon a legal ally; Koozies distributed at the launch portrayed Bush and Trump together, with a quote from Trump about the 45-year-old being the “only Bush” who was smart enough to endorse him.
A teenagers boyfriend was fatally shot in April. Hours after her graduation, she was, too.
As she prepared to accept her high school diploma Tuesday, Kennedy Hobbs removed her dark-colored face mask – a reminder of her pandemic-era senior year without a homecoming dance or pep rallies. She pulled her dark hair into place as she crossed the stage in sparkly silver stilettos and grinned for a photo.
After posing for more pictures in the parking lot of her Jackson, Miss., high school, Hobbs made stops at a graduation party and the cemetery where her boyfriend was buried after being fatally shot in April. She lay down her blue honors tassel at his grave, snapped a shot for Instagram and tapped out a caption: “For u baby.”
Hobbs, 18, would be killed hours later – shot several times around 10:45 p.m. at a Texaco gas station on her way to another party. No arrests have been made in the case, and a motive has not been determined, Jackson police spokesman Sam Brown said.
Her killing devastated and outraged Hobbs’s family, who said her slaying was indicative of a culture of gun violence that steals too many Black young people. Crime has recently surged in Jackson, a city of about 161,000, with the roughly 128 homicides recorded in 2020 setting a record. The city has logged 57 homicides so far this year, according to Brown.
Hobbs’s uncle, William Edwards, said a makeshift memorial for his niece had gone up near the gas pump where she was killed. But he said he hated that the tokens of affection had to be there.
“I see teddy bears and balloons all throughout the city, and that’s the problem,” he said in an interview. “There’s too many memorials throughout this small city.”
Hobbs, a vibrant teenager, earned a certificate in waxing at 17 and started doing body waxes for her friends in a shed in their backyard built by her mom. She loved R&B and rap music, and getting dressed up.
Hobbs was considering her college options, and Edwards said she sometimes talked about becoming a teacher like her grandmother and her mother, who teaches math and science in Hobbs’s school district.
“Some people,” Edward said of Hobbs, “you can see the greatness rising on.”
The night that Hobbs was killed, Edwards said she pulled up to the gas station with four friends. Two went inside the convenience store, while another two stayed outside.
A little more than 45 minutes later, Hobbs’s mother and uncle arrived at the gas station to find her body splayed between the pumps, Edwards said. Her father had not even arrived back at his home in Southaven, nearly 200 miles north of Jackson, when he got the call that his daughter had been killed.
Surveillance cameras at the gas station were not operating the night of the shooting, police said, and officers are seeking witnesses. Edwards said the family has no answers about what happened – only theories – and believes that the outcry about Hobbs’s killing and other street crime should be as fervent as anger over the killings of Black Americans by police officers.
“We will not sit silent and make this normal,” Edwards said. “This is not a normal situation.”
On Thursday, Jackson police planned to host its first conflict resolution class since the coronavirus outbreak began. The idea, Brown said, was to educate residents on how to solve problems before resorting to gun violence. Staff set up tables in an auditorium, cued up a slide show on a television and waited.
Asean reports over 25,000 new Covid-19 cases, over 500 deaths
For the third successive day total deaths in Asean countries exceeded 500 on Friday, and new Covid-19 cases were more than 25,000.
Southeast Asia reported 25,659 new cases on Friday, slightly lower than Thursday’s 25,820, while 506 people died, an improvement over the previous day’s 537.
Total Covid-19 cases since the outbreak crossed 4.12 million, while the death toll rose to 80,744.
Malaysia’s Ministry of Public Health urged people to follow strict disease control measures during the two-week countrywide lockdown from June 1-14. The death of three patients aged under 5 years on one day has raised concerns, as in 2020 the number was reported for the entire year. In 2021, 27 children have died so far due to Covid-19, 19 of them under 5 years old.
Laos reported nine new cases on Thursday, bringing cumulative cases in the country to 1,952. The government has extended lockdown measures in the country until June 19 but has allowed people to travel between areas that have no or low infection rate. People who have taken two doses of a Covid-19 vaccine for at least a month will be able to travel by land and air between Vientiane and other provinces without having to undergo a 14-day quarantine.
โดย Orbital Assembly Corporation วางแผนที่จะเริ่มก่อสร้างโรงแรมในปี 2025 และคาดว่าจะสามารถเปิดให้บริการได้ภายในปี 2027
Tom Spilker ประธานเจ้าหน้าที่ฝ่ายเทคโนโลยี (CTO) เผยว่าบริษัทไม่ได้ต้องการพัฒนาเทคโนโลยีใหม่ๆ แต่พวกเขาต้องการนำเทคโนโลยีที่มีอยู่มีพัฒนาให้เป็นนวัตกรรมรูปแบบใหม่เพื่อสร้างสิ่งอำนวยความสะดวกบนโรงแรมในอวกาศ
ทั้งนี้ Orbital Assembly Corporation เป็นบริษัทที่มีความเชี่ยวชาญหลากหลายด้านโดยมีทีมงานที่มาจากหลายแวดวงไม่ว่าจะเป็นธุรกิจ การเงิน สถาปัตยกรรม การก่อสร้าง การออกแบบ การบิน และอวกาศ โดยการออกแบบ Von Braun Station ได้รับแรงบันดาลใจจาก Wernher von Braun หนึ่งในวิศวกรผู้เชี่ยวชาญจากนาซา
Von Braun Station โรงแรมแห่งแรกบนอวกาศเปิดจองแล้ว คาดอีก 6 ปีพร้อมเปิดให้บริการ
สื่อสหรัฐอ้างพบหลักฐานว่ากองทัพจีนตัดต่อยีนปอดคนในหนูเพื่อทดสอบเชื้อไวรัสหลายเดือนก่อนที่ Covid-19 จะระบาด
ทางการมาเลเซียอนุมัติให้ใช้วัคซีน AstraZeneca ที่ผลิตในไทยแบบมีเงื่อนไข
นักเก็ตไก่ชิ้นนี้ถูกประมูลไปด้วยราคาเกือบ 1 หมื่นเหรียญสหรัฐหรือกว่า 3.1 ล้านบาทเพราะมันรูปร่างเหมือนตัวละครในเกม Among Us
