JUNTA LEADER General Prayut Chan-o-cha faces fresh criticism for attempting to woo old-guard politicians to support a pro-military party, during his latest trip to the Northeast that began yesterday.

In Buri Ram, where he took to the stage cheered by a crowd of around 30,000 locals, Prayut may be hoping that his Bt20-billion development budget will win him the support of local political heavyweights, paving the way to election success.

Local power the Bhum Jai Thai Party came third in the last election, in 2011, when it gained 34 parliamentary seats.

While securing Bhum Jai Thai’s support would help guarantee the junta’s role in the post-election administration, it would still leave the military bloc a long way short of the 200 seats it needs to surpass the Pheu Thai Party, which at the last polls gained 265 seats, accounting for 53 per cent of all seats.

Four years ago this month, Prayut staged a coup and blamed politicians as the root cause behind half of the country’s problems.

But today, all signs point to Prayut building an alliance made up of those same politicians he pledged to eradicate from power after the coup.

“Prayut has become the ultimate hypocrite,” Paul Chambers, a Thailand-based expert on the kingdom’s politics, told AFP.

After endless politician-bashing, “now Prayut and the [junta] are using many of these same corrupt politicians to build a political party”.

The comment came as Prayut set out on his visit to Buri Ram, where he was welcomed by local political “kingmaker” Newin Chidchob.

Newin, who played significant roles in the premierships of Thaksin Shinawatra and Abhisit Vejjajiva, vowed to distance himself from political activities in 2011 but is still regarded as an influential local figure.

Bhum Jai Thai’s current leader, Anutin Charnvirakul, also made an appearance on stage yesterday, and claimed that the mass local gathering had no political agenda. “It’s still too soon to think about it [the election] now. We don’t know yet how many MPs we’ll have,” Anutin said.

Prayut had just three weeks ago appointed political figures influential in the eastern seaboard to Cabinet-level adviser positions – a move that caused many to wonder whether the general’s impression of politicians had already been changed under pressure to attract credibility for his own future political ambitions.

In recent months, Prayut has reportedly also met with Sasomsub family, another powerful political clan based in Nakhon Pathom.

“Prayut understands how politics functions. If you want to win an election as a newcomer you have to collaborate with existing powers in provinces,” said politics professor Titipol Phakdeewanich.

Yesterday marked the start of Prayut’s two-day visit in the lower northeastern provinces of Surin and Buri Ram before he heads a mobile Cabinet meeting today.

Praising Buri Ram as “culturally rich province with peace and no political conflict” and “a good model of people unity”, Prayut yesterday promised the mass gathering he would fix the problems for a province that suffers low income per capita.

The Bt20-billion local development budget would be distributed to four Northeast provinces, to set up sports-science centre in Buri Ram, expand Buri Ram airport, develop the irrigation system, |and cultivate border trade and |tourism.

In Surin, where Prayut visited a local silk village, he was greeted by 3,000 people.

Provincial authorities, meanwhile, are expected to ask the Cabinet to grant over 84 rai (13 hectares) under the Department of Highways to build a new customs checkpoint.

The current Cambodia-border checkpoint at Chong Chom last year saw total trade value of Bt3.01 billion with key local products being fuel, juice drinks and soft drinks.

A group of mostly former Pheu Thai MPs recently met ex-PM Thaksin and his younger sister Yingluck Shinawatra, also a fugitive former prime minister, in Singapore.

The politicians said they called on Thaksin due to their “affection” towards him, adding that their visit did not mean he retained his influence over them.

“Everyone went because of their love and affection. They just wanted to meet [Thaksin and Yingluck]. It didn’t mean they would allow themselves to be influenced,” said former Pheu Thai MP Worachai Hema.

However, Election Commission (EC) caretaker secretary-general Jarungvith Phumma warned their meeting invited a charge that it violated the Political Parties Act. The law prohibits political parties from allowing outsiders to influence its internal affairs and bars individuals from controlling or dominating the internal affairs of a party.

Any individual found guilty risks imprisonment of between five to 10 years, a fine of Bt100,000 to Bt200,000, and a lifetime ban from contesting an election.

According to the law, the EC may seek a Constitutional Court order for dissolution of the violating party. Moreover, the law prohibits the dissolved party’s executive members from standing as MPs, running any party or setting up a new party for the rest of their lives

The penalties are equivalent to a death sentence for the political life of any politician found guilty.

Jarungvith said that a normal meeting was not against the law but that the recent Singapore meeting might draw complaints of a possible violation of the Political Parties Act.

“I don’t want to see any political party violate the Political Parties Act. I would like to ask people involved to carefully study the law to prevent any problem that could follow.”

He noted that any influence or domination by a non-executive of the party involved could be deemed a violation of the law. Thaksin holds no executive post in Pheu Thai but has retained much influence among its politicians, many of whom refer to him as “Big Boss”.

Both Thaksin and Yingluck are living overseas, having escaped prison sentences at home. The Supreme Court’s Criminal Division for Political Office Holders in 2008 sentenced Thaksin in absentia to two years in jail for abuse of power. In September last year, the same court sentenced his sister in absentia to five years’ imprisonment for negligence.

The provisions against outsider influence are unprecedented for any Thai law on political parties. Critics say the drafters certainly had Thaksin in mind while conceiving the legislation.

At the 2011 general election, Pheu Thai’s dominant slogan was “Thaksin thinks, Pheu Thai does it”. The party’s election victory catapulted Yingluck to the premiership and her government realised the slogan by putting into practice many policies suggested by her brother.

Even the controversial bill that would give a blanket amnesty to everyone involved in political disputes was believed to have had Thaksin in the background. The proposed law drew massive street protests and eventually led to a military coup in May 2014 that overthrew the Pheu Thai-led administration.

With the tough provisions in the Political Parties Act, Pheu Thai can no longer use Thaksin’s popularity in a bid to woo support from rural voters.

Its key figures have attempted to distance the party from Thaksin, while the man himself appears to be careful when talking about his ties with Pheu Thai. During his recent visit to Japan, he predicted “another landslide victory” for Pheu Thai but was quick to add that: “I am not involved with the party. They really don’t want me to get involved.”

In fact, party dissolution is not new to Thaksin. Two political parties linked to him – Thai Rak Thai and People Power – were dissolved by court order for violating the law. However, punishments for violators are harsher under the new law. In addition to dissolution of their party, politicians involved also risk lifetime political bans and imprisonment of up to 10 years.

Throughout his rule Prayut, the gruff ex-general whose army seized power in May 2014, has maintained one key refrain: politicians and their cronies are the cause of the country’s political instability.

But the 64-year-old is suddenly changing tune as he looks to complete a stunning metamorphosis from dictator to elected leader at polls promised for 2019.

The retired general has been coy on formally announcing a run for office.

Yet in recent months he has been busily courting the political fiefs that dominate the country, specifically potential allies of his nemesis, the billionaire former premier Thaksin Shinawatra.

On Monday Prayut rolls into Buriram, a northeastern province dominated by Newin Chidchob — an ex-politician turned sports mogul whose shape-shifting alliances have made him a key political “kingmaker”.

A full house of 36,000 is expected at Buriram FC’s “Thunder Castle” stadium to greet Prayut — an unprecedented reception for the leader, whose popularity is on the slide among the Bangkok middle class.

The public adulation will be interpreted as sign of a deal with Newin, who steers his Bhumjaithai Party from behind the scenes.

“Prayut has become the ultimate hypocrite,” said Paul Chambers, a Thailand-based expert on the kingdom’s politics.

After endless politician-bashing, “now Prayut and the (junta) are using many of these same corrupt politicians to build a political party.”

Prayut denies he his on the campaign trail, with political activity banned by his regime.

But there are few doubts he is out to complete his mission of scuttling the Shinawatras’ election machine.

The clan have won all general elections since 2001, relying on their popular appeal in the rural north and northeast.

Prayut toppled the government of Yingluck Shinatwara, Thaksin’s younger sister.

She has joined her brother in self-exile after being convicted of criminal negligence.

Their Pheu Thai party is weakened without the siblings’ star power and Prayut is seeking to overrun them at elections with the support of provincial bosses — and the mid-sized parties and vote banks they carry.

– ‘Political mafia’ –

What Newin might get for backing Prayut remains unknown. But his counterparts in eastern Chonburi province already appear to have been rewarded.

Two brothers from the Kunplome clan, who dominate Thailand’s eastern seaboard, were made cabinet-level advisors in April.

Their family is headed by elderly Somchai, dubbed the “Godfather of Chonburi”, who was released early from jail in December after serving a fraction of a 28-year sentence for masterminding the murder of a local politician.

Prayut has repeatedly denied any horsetrading is going on.

But his meetings continue to raise eyebrows, including a golf outing with another influential clique — the Pheu Thai-linked Sasomsap brothers in Nakhon Pathom.

A few years ago they were targeted by a junta crackdown on “influential figures”.

Police raids found scores of guns in raids at their homes, according to local media.

“Political mafia is a more appropriate term for these type of people,” said Thai politics professor Titipol Phakdeewanich.

The families maintain control through business links, donations and other “generous deeds”, Titipol added.

“Prayut understands how politics functions. If you want to win an election as a newcomer you have to collaborate with existing powers in provinces.”

– Same old game –

Abhisit Vejjajiva, the leader of the establishment Democrat party, said Prayut’s regime has also approached a number of his MPs.

“They talk about positions in government,” he told AFP.

Although such horse-trading is nothing new, politicians are chafing at the head start taken by a regime that continues to bar all other parties from holding meetings.

Chaturon Chaisang, a veteran Pheu Thai politician, added that some politicians may be coerced into supporting the junta in a political culture defined by personality and power rather than ideology.

“It’s an old-fashioned operation,” he told AFP.