The TJA demand came as it commemorated World Press Freedom Day, which is celebrated worldwide on May 3, to reiterate the cause of press freedom and protection of journalists.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 46 journalists were killed while on duty last year. This year, 10 journalists in North and South America, 22 in Asia and one in Europe have been killed when reporting in a danger zone or were killed by influential figures, according to the International News Safety Institute.

Thailand saw an improvement in its ranking on the press freedom index, from 142 last year to 140 this year, according to Reporters without Borders’ 2018 World Press Freedom Index. Myanmar was the best-ranked among mainland Asean countries at 137. Thailand was followed by Cambodia (142), Malaysia (145), Laos (170) and Vietnam (175).

Despite the positive signs, however, the ruling junta continues to impose laws and regulations that obstruct freedom of press and expression. There is also an attempt by the junta-appointed bodies to pass a law that would allow state authority in regulating the media, many experts said. “The NCPO-backed government needs to be vigilant while issuing laws that curb freedom of press and people,” said TJA president Pramed Lekpetch.

“They should also revoke the NCPO orders that limit such freedoms so that the media can operate in line with their constitutional role ahead of the election as per the road map,” he said. While Thailand has been ruled under the 2017 Constitution since last April, the NCPO maintains absolute control, with the power to issue decrees and orders that can overrule any law, and even the Constitution.

While at least four articles in the Constitution endorse freedom of press and expression, the authorities have still prosecuted or suspended media workers, many of whom had criticised the alleged irregularities of the junta.

Poonsuk Poonsukcharoen, a lawyer from Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, said that such use of absolute power strangles the rule of law not only during the NCPO reign but would also tend to create long-term effects, including those against press freedom.

“Controls may loosen when the next elected government takes the reins, but many mechanisms designed by the current ruling government would have a long-term impact, such as the so-called national strategy that will last for at least another 20 years,” Poonsuk said. He was referring to the law that obligates future governments to follow the strategy failing which they would be punished.

The NCPO had also put “prisoners of conscience” before the military court where they had limited ability to appeal or fight the case. They also brought civilians and even journalists to military camp for the so-called “attitude adjustment” sessions, she said.

The military-dominated National Broadcasting and Telecommunication Commission, during the junta rule, has punished the broadcast media 52 times so far, mostly targeting media belonging to political opponents of the ruling junta, she added.

Thitirat Thipsamritkul, a law lecturer from Thammasat University, said that efficient laws on digital and online security should focus on structural protection rather than disseminated content.

“If the law focuses on security in terms of content, it can be used with a different intention,” Thitirat said. “This has happened with the previous computer crime bill, which was widely used for defamation cases instead of cybercrimes as originally intended.”

She viewed that such a law should be designed to facilitate press freedom by ensuring a security structure, such as privacy protection, rather than suppressing them.

Of the five, two are former provincial governors, two are department directors, and one is a university professor. All are said to have taken a low profile politically and are making their political debuts as applicants for the Election Commission (EC) member positions.

The successful candidates who made the cut yesterday are: Suntud Sirianuntapiboon, an environmental technology professor from King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi; Somchai Charnnarongkul, former director of the Cooperative Promotion Department of the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives; Ittiporn Boonpracong, former director of the Treaties and Legal Affairs Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; former Buri Ram governor Peerasak Hinmuangkao; and former Saraburi governor Tawatchai Terdphaothai.

The finalists were selected from 24 applicants who had passed the first round of qualification checks. They yesterday underwent an interview and outlined their visions as EC members. Thirty-three people had applied for the positions.

Seven vacant EC member seats need to filled after the new organic law governing the agency dismissed all previous commissioners. The selection committee selected five candidates for the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) to approve while a general meeting of Supreme Court judges selected two others, according to the law.

The selection was a second attempt after the NLA turned down all of the finalist candidates in February. The assembly had been vague as to why they rejected the candidates, but some sources said it had been over the controversial selection of two candidates from among the Supreme Court judges. The rejection also stirred up much controversy. Critics said it was another tactic to try to put off the next election which the Premier has promised will be held by next February. But authorities remained firm that the caretaker election commissioners could perform the task if needed and that the election road map was unaffected.

Last week, a general meeting of the Supreme Court attended by its 176 judges selected their senior colleagues Chatchai Chanpraisri and Pakorn Mahannop as the court’s EC candidates, the same candidates rejected by the assembly in February.

Somkid, who heads the government’s economic team, repeated an earlier denial by Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha that there was any such attempt on the government’s side.

“But why do people want to move to a new house? Is it because they are unhappy living in the present house? You need to improve your home so that Thai people can place their hope on it,” he said, likening a political party to a house.

The deputy premier described as “nonsense” the allegation by certain existing parties that their former MPs were being “sucked out” into the pro-Prayut party.

He said wooing as many former MPs as possible in a bid to gain power was a “very old way of thinking”. He added, “They should come up with new ideas and think much more about the future.”

However, Somkid said he did not want to counter politicians. “I know everyone. We are friends. Someday in the future we may have to work together. So, it’s better to spend your time on good things.”

According to media speculation, the party in question is in the making, under the leadership of Somkid’s close aides in the Cabinet – Industry Minister Uttama Savanayana and Commerce Minister Sontirat Sontijirawong.

Somkid yesterday denied planning to set up a new party. “I just said that I support General Prayut to continue his work if he wants to. It depends on the political parties if they will support him or not,” Somkid added.

He called on political parties to work together and “overcome all conflicts for the sake of the country”.

The deputy PM said given the current situation, there was a need for continuity to drive the country forward. “Also, the country’s peace is necessary. The government has done a good job. It’s okay if anyone else can do it better. That depends on voters.”

“Don’t ask me now about an inside or outside prime minister. Spare me. In case of emergency, let my party be the escapeway,” Anutin stressed in an interview with The Nation.

The remark came amid recent movements by the ruling National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) that show signs of political ambition.

As the election draws near, it is speculated that a pro-junta party will be set up to support General Prayut Chan-o-cha’s bid for premiership. The theory gained credence after the Cabinet appointed a veteran politician as Prayut’s political adviser two weeks ago.

Calling it a “headhunting phenomenon”, analysts said the general is building his base of alliances comprising old-face politicians to support his return after the next election alongside junta-appointed senators.

Anutin’s Bhum Jai Thai Party has subsequently been put in the spotlight. Because it is traditionally the third-placed party after Pheu Thai and the Democrats, political observers believe it should have enough seats to help realise the junta’s aspirations.

Speculation has been fuelled by the fact that a mobile Cabinet meeting is set to take place in Buri Ram province, Bhum Jai Thai’s stronghold, next week. Observers right now are all ears about whether and how the junta and Anutin’s faction will make a deal.

But Anutin yesterday denied that this excursion was the negotiating table. “If they want to make a deal, they can do it right here or anywhere, any time at all. It doesn’t have to be in Buri Ram,” he said.

Noting that everyone is saying Prayut is now a “vacuum cleaner”, sucking up former MPs to join his new party, the Bhum Jai Thai leader said that this machine just did not work in his party. Even if it did, it would only suck out someone that the party did not want or someone that just wouldn’t be good for Prayut’s party anyway, he said.

“I don’t care about the amateurs. I only want the pros,” he said. “And the pros just don’t go around shifting between parties. They have their places in their parties and they stay. The amateurs, meanwhile, keep going around. But do they have any credibility?”

Considering the new voting method that only allows voters to cast a single ballot to give their vote to both the candidate and the party, major parties are likely to be at a disadvantage. The rise of medium-sized parties like Bhum Jai Thai is therefore on the cards. Some critics even say it is possible that Anutin could be the next prime minister – a middleman who takes the job after the major parties and MPs fail to reach agreement. But Anutin said no to that without hesitation. 

“This is the third-place party. Me, the prime minister? Really?” he said. “I’m telling you, it has to be respectable. I’m not going to be anyone’s puppet. The middleman idea is just not possible in this age.”

However, Anutin said he is not taking sides either – not now.

“Everything depends on the election. If I say something now, those favouring the military won’t choose me. Likewise, if I say I’m with the military, those preferring democracy won’t vote for me. That’s just going to be bad.” He reiterated the election result is the key.

“What do you want me to say now? I can’t. What if I win 250 seats? Do I have to share that with anyone? No, I’ll keep it all to myself. And if I have five seats, they won’t like to sit with me either. That’s a fact.

“Just respect the election result. This time, there is no excuse not to. No parties have had state power in the past four years. You cannot say they won because they exploited that power,” Anutin said.

“Bhum Jai Thai, too, we will be straightforward. We will do our best. We will respect the law. And if we lose, we accept that we just suck.”

The court has scheduled a debate on the same day concerning separate petitions on the constitutionality of the organic law on MP elections and a junta order amending the Political Parties Act.

Thirty National Legislative Assembly (NLA) members brought the first case to court through its president, Pornpetch Wichitcholchai.

They are seeking a decision on whether certain provisions and requirements about the initial voting and selection of senators are constitutional.

The judges involved have studied the petition by the NLA members and debated the matter, according to a press release issued yesterday.

Final ruling

The judges will disclose their individual judgements and vote on a final verdict on May 23, the court said.

The second case was brought to court by 27 NLA members through the assembly’s president, seeking a verdict on whether certain provisions in the bill on the election of MPs are constitutional.

According to a press release, the court has scheduled May 23 for the judges involved to debate the issues in the case to arrive at a verdict.

The third case was brought to court by the Ombudsman’s Office following separate petitions by the Pheu Thai and Democrat parties.

The Ombudsman’s Office asked the court to rule whether Order No 53/2560 issued by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) in December |was in conflict with the Constitution.

The order issued by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, in his capacity as the NCPO chief, in effect amended the Political Parties Act, which has not been fully enacted due to a ban imposed by the ruling junta on political activities.

The court said Pheu Thai and the Democrats had submitted their statements to the court but that the NCPO leader had asked for an extension to his May 11 deadline.

“The court granted the request and scheduled May 23 for a debate that will lead to the judgement,” the press release said.

Following a suggestion by police, the Foreign Ministry revoked Chaturon’s three passports, including a diplomatic one, to prevent him from travelling abroad.

The court ruled that the order to revoke the passports was against the law since Chaturon was not prohibited from travelling out of the Kingdom.

While the prominent politician and former deputy prime minister was prosecuted in a court martial for resisting an order by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) to report himself to the junta after the 2014 coup, the court ruled that he was allowed to travel abroad occasionally.

With permission of the NCPO, Chaturon can travel abroad and return to the Kingdom at any time within a determined period, the court said.

“It is apparent that [Chaturon] did not have any intention to flee from the country to avoid the prosecution, therefore the ministry and concerned officials have no legitimacy to revoke the passports,” the court ruled.

The court agreed with Chaturon that the termination of his passport was politically motivated, since the former minister had criticised the junta-sponsored draft of constitution.

There was no solid reason to support the order to revoke the passport, therefore its termination was illegal, the court said.

Chaturon yesterday said his case should be a lesson for the authorities when it came to the abuse of power to ban freedom of expression. The order to terminate his passport was a reaction to his criticism of the military-sponsored charter, he said. “I have been bitter about such unjust and unfair treatment over the past three years,” he told reporters after the verdict.

Chaturon sued the Foreign Ministry, Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai, the Consular Department and its director-general, who are responsible for the passport affairs, as well as National Police Chief, who made the recommendation for the revocation.

Don said the ministry and he now had to comply with the court ruling and would reissue three passports for Chaturon. “The case is over but it’s up to [Chaturon] what to do next,” Don said when asked what would happen if Chaturon sued the responsible officials for alleged abuse of power.

Revocation of politicians’ and activists’ passports was a practice conducted by authorities after the military coup in 2006 to humiliate and obstruct the travel of the former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was then ousted by the coup.

Thaksin’s passports were revoked every time his opponents were in power, but they were reissued every time his associates came into office.

The current junta also revoked Thaksin’s passports in May 2015 after he gave an interview with foreign media criticising the military coup staged by General Prayut Chan-o-cha to purge his sister Yingluck Shinawatra.

Thaksin also asked the administrative court to rule out the termination of his passport.

In a separate case, the court yesterday rejected Thaksin’s plea on the grounds that he is already in exile in a foreign country. With or without a Thai passport, Thaksin can travel.

Thaksin said yesterday that the court’s verdict was “not beyond my expectation”.

“The reason I filed the lawsuit was not because I had difficulty in not holding a Thai passport. Rather I merely wished to see that the Thai justice system had the opportunity to prove itself from the criticism that it had been used as political tool … against specific groups of people,” the ex-PM said in his Twitter posts.

The Democrat Party had only about 100,000 out of 2.5 million registered members confirming their memberships in April, during which National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), allowed existing parties to open for confirmation.

The Pheu Thai Party saw about 10,000 out of 130,000 registered members confirming their memberships during the period, which was set by a junta order issued in December.

Democrat deputy leader Nipit Intarasombat blamed the NCPO for the low number of confirmations. He said the junta did not allow parties to conduct any public relations and that the confirmation procedures set by authorities were “complicated”.

“Also many current members are not ready to pay their membership fees,” he added.The annual membership fee is Bt100 and a lifetime membership fee is Bt2,000.

However, Nipit said he did not think the low confirmation number would affect the party’s performance at the next election. Ongart Klampaiboon, another deputy Democrat leader, echoed that claim yesterday.

Pheu Thai leader Viroj Pao-in said that many registered party members disagreed with the need to pay membership fees, so they simply did not confirm their membership.

The party’s secretary-general, Phumtham Wechayachai, blamed the junta’s “attempt to reset the existing political parties” for the low number of confirmed memberships.

“People in power want to make things complicated for the political parties so that the number of their members will be reduced. However, there will be no impact on the party’s support base,” he said.

Earlier, the Chart Thai Pattana Party voiced concern after barely more than 10 per cent of its members reaffirmed their membership during the permitted period, which ended on Monday.

Nikorn Chamnong, the party director, said Chart Thai Pattana was dissatisfied that only 2,500 out of its 24,710 registered members had confirmed their status. He said the small number of confirmed memberships would adversely affect the party’s primary voting to select its candidates for the general election.

The veteran politician called on authorities to review the requirement for primary voting and postpone its enforcement until after the next general election, warning that otherwise all political parties “would be in trouble” and that the entire party system would be affected.

Meanwhile, the Chart Pattana Party disclosed that almost one-third of its members had come to confirm their membership as of Monday. Party leader Wannarat Charnnukul said that 5,583 out of its 18,163 registered members – or 30.7 per cent – had reaffirmed membership, which he described as “satisfactory”.